The ‘overt‘ picture
A foreigner paying a visit to a Malay village may notice certain recurrent features in the manner and topic of conversation introduced by the villager towards the foreigner. One of these is the recurrent emphasis on their Islamic identity and adherence, with regards to both belief and practice. This is not unexpected, if we consider the pressure and movement towards Islamic orthodoxy experienced by the Malay population in recent decades. No doubt, there has been a noticeable consciousness-raising among the Malays in this period towards searching for the true Islam and cleansing their culture of non-Islamic elements. This process has been accompanied by a genuine drive to become better Muslims, as the religious identity of the Malays is of paramount importance. Traces of this resurgence seem to be found in the behaviour and attitude of people living in even the remotest villages of the peninsula. Nevertheless, in order to complete the picture of the religious beliefs of the Malays, it is necessary to go beyond the overt picture facing the newcomer which is carefully presented to her by the village population.
This paper will examine the impact of this latest wave of Islamic resurgence on the religious beliefs of the Malays. In the course of the discussion it will also be necessary to question what belief is, and to point out that it is not necessarily equivalent with what Giddens denotes as discursive consciousness (1984: 41-45, 374-375).
Islamic Religion versus Tradition
As a theoretical point of departure, a distinction should be made between great or formal religions, and informal traditions. While formal religions are based on scriptures and possibly claim to have universal applications (sometimes be missioning), smaller religions refer to polytheistic/animistic belief systems belonging to local oral traditions. I will reserve the term religion for the former, and tradition or extra-religious beliefs for the latter. This dicotomy is much akin to Robert Redfield‘s twin concepts great and little traditions (1958: 70).
Extra-religious beliefs often exist prior to formal religions. As the latter are introduced to a region, they partly replace the existing beliefs. Such a replacement is quite often the explicit aim of those adhering to the new religion, who therefore bring it forward through a variety of means. But the notion of extra-religious belief as used here also includes liberal interpretations of the religion itself, as when Christian elements such as Bibles and crosses are used for divinational purposes, or when the prophet Mohammad is used for propitiation. Such a body of folk magic seems in fact to accompany the history of the monotheistic religions (Weber 1968: 415-416; Hurgronje 1906: 33).
Whatever the official religion of a people is, if any, the fact remains that the total belief system tends at local level to be a mixture of the elements of formal religion as well as of other elements: what is commonly known as syncretism. Although these domains cannot always be clearly separated in practice, it may sometimes be useful to do so for analytical purposes, so as to determine the identity they provide, the area of ritual practice they pertain to, their internal logical and power of explanation, and even their psychological and social functions.
In times of revivalism of the official religion, however, a strengthening of it seems to occur both through the search for correct interpretations of dogma and in proper religious behaviour. The position of the traditional or folk elements is, on the other hand, weakened, as they are sought eliminated by the forces calling for more orthodoxy among the religious adherents.
I agree with the idea of the relative displacement of the two ‘systems‘ or areas of belief, i.e. that one is strengthened at the expense of the other. However, this picture needs refinement. My contention is that the extra-Islamic belief elements are not simply eliminated as to a matter of degree, but are partly also relegated to a somewhat different - and perhaps less visible - area than before.
My argument will be drawn from a case study of Malay fishermen and their belief system. The focus will be on the relative change during the last two-three decades in the position of their official religion, Islam, in comparison to the local tradition. This period has in Malaysia been dominated by a revival of orthodox Islam, known as as the Islamic Resurgence (Chandra Muzaffar 1987: 1-12). The following analysis therefore pertains to a particular setting, where the official religion is Islam, in a country where the historical, political and ethnical conditions create a unique situation compared to the religious revivalism of other syncretic religions. There are reasons to believe, however, that the basic structure of the emerging pattern is not qualitatively unique. It may be found as a covert reality in other societies where certain basic conditions for maintaining extra-religious elements of belief and magic exist, in spite of pressure to the contrary.
The Status and Impact of Islam in Malaysia
Let us first examine certain features characteristic of the social situation in Malaysia. This country is highly multiethnic, with the Malays (48.6%), Chinese (31.7%) and Indians (8.4%) constituting the three biggest groups respectively (Population 1983: 17). The Chinese community as a whole is considered to be economically superior, while the Malays hold the political power in the country. The great bulk of the Chinese and Indians are descendants of people who arrived in Malaysia at the end of the last or at the beginning of this century, i.e. during British colonial rule. The Malays, on the other hand, are together with some smaller minority groups defined as native to the region and have been given the special status of bumiputra. This category, which constitutes slightly more than half the population, is assigned certain economic and other privileges in order to redress the economic imbalance between the ethnic groups of the country.
Islam is the official state religion, although all have the constitutional right of freedom of profession and practice of their own religion. Although 53% of the population is Muslim, the Islamic religion is closely identified with the Malay community. Virtually all Malays are Muslims, and in local speech being a Malay and becoming a Malay are synonymous with being a Muslim and converting to Islam.
Religions, and also more traditional beliefs, seem universally to meet certain needs. Among other things, they provide their adherents with an identity, accompanied by moral guidelines for behaviour; explanations; and security and comfort, through the prescription of a normative set of rules for behaviour and through postulating a fair system of rewards and punishments.
This is also the case with the Islamic religion, and the meaning it holds for the Malays. In this special case, the meaning of the religion must be seen in the light of the ethnic situation in the country. The economic prosperity of other ethnic groups is now and then explained as the result of their adherence to religious traditions of a morality inferior to Islam. In other words, many Malays see the prosperity of others as obtained partly by the use of immoral techniques. The religious identity of the Malays is therefore much coloured by their identity vis-à-vis other ethnic groups in their country, and thus a linkage between religious and ethnic identity is enforced. Although a call for religious orthodoxy is found all over the Islamic world today, the directions of the movement differ form country to country. Muzaffar says that while the resurgence in, for instance, Indonesia deals with economic issues like poverty and exploitation, in Malaysia the movement seems to be more concerned with identity (Chandra Muzaffar 1986: 6-7). This fact is of crucial importance for understanding the local contents and direction of the Islamic revivalism in Malaysia today. The ethnic dimension will strengthen the identity aspect of the religion and influence how it is communicated and emphasized both outwards in society, but also inwards towards one‘s own self.
Belief and Practice among Rural Malays
The Traditional World View
The traditional world view among the Malays is based on what is commonly referred to as animism. Various elements in nature have an immanent force called semangat, and this force can under certain instances decrease so that the host is weakened. In addition to the semangat, there exists a range of spirits in the surroundings, many of which are invisible. These spirits sometimes affect the lives of human beings. But human beings can also intentionally seek to influence or manipulate both forces and spirits in order to achieve a desired result. Such magic can be both black and white, i.e. intended to harm other people or not.
The description that follows is based on the particular case study of the fishermen of Pulau Tuba, Langkawi, where I stayed off and on from 1988 through 1992. This is a small island community of 1,300 people, virtually all Malays although some of the land is owned by Chinese. The economy is directly or indirectly based on small-scale fisheries, supplemented by wet-rice farming, horticulture and the collection and utilization of jungle products as well as coastal resources (especially shellfish). In portraying their traditional world view, the emphasis will be on the role of spirits and forces in the context of economic activities.
It is difficult to present a brief and general account because of the seemingly disparities of views regarding the spirit world that exist between people. In addition, the same persons seem to express different and mutually incompatible beliefs in different contexts, without this seeming to cause much disturbance among the holders of the beliefs themselves. Not even when these discrepancies are pointed out to them, for instance by the field-worker eagerly searching out a logical system in their beliefs, does this seem to puzzle people. Pointing out that the belief element expressed is contrary to Islam will, however, spur a reaction and feeling of discomfort among the fishermen, but only because of its un-Islamic connotations.
This said, it is generally believed that there is one spirit associated with the land and one with the sea, but each of these spirits may have many appearances and sometimes divide into separate entities each with significant attributes. Both the land and the sea spirit seem to have human qualities, but again these two apparitions are generally thought to be identical with Syaitan, or Satan. Thus the various spirits are in the end linked to an Islamic concept. Although the interaction between people and spirits can potentially be of many kinds, the most important issue is to appease the latter in order to avoid their displeasure and mischief. This is because most economic activities take place somewhere in nature, on land or at sea, and people therefore intrude into the domain of the spirits. Thus people resort to magic rituals where incantations play a prominent part.
As all objects and matters are believed to contain semangat, so also are the means of production. Thus the fishermen‘s boats, nets for catching fish as well as birds, bird flutes, etc., are believed to have this vital force whose assistance, or at least co-operation or good-will, should be sought. And attempts should be made to control the semangat, or rather "soul" of the animals involved in the economic activity. The fish and the bird must be attracted towards the fisherman or hunter and lured into his net, or insects and rodents damaging a rice field or honey bees in their hives must be driven away in order to secure the products. Again rituals with incantations are used.
Even if the use of magic is not acknowledged by the sources of Islam, this does not prevent elements of the Islamic religion from being separated from their original contexts and used for the purpose of magical rituals. Sometimes Islamic prophets, and other persons associated with the history of Islam, are appealed to in rituals through the use of incantations. Throughout history these beings have become associated with various objects or parts of nature which are pertinent as means of production to the fisherman. Thus Noah is the prophet of the boat, Solomon of the net and Khir of the sea. By seeking their cooperation, the outcome of an expedition at sea is more likely to succeed. The reference to Islam creates a sense of legitimacy in the use of magic.
It is further believed that some of these beings (spirits, prophets, Satan) can be manipulated to cause harm to other people, that is to prevent a big catch for another fisherman or hunter, or to cause him other harm such as illness. Bad luck at sea, especially in comparison to others fishing close by in the same waters, like repeatedly getting roots and branches from trees into the net, may understandably result in suspicion of such black magic.
A prominent feature of the traditional world view on this group of islands must finally be mentioned. That is the phenomenon of something being keramat, or ‘sacred‘. On Tuba, there are a number of assumed graves which are considered sacred. One of them has been identified as belonging to Tok Bagus, the first person to clear land on the island and therefore considered to be the ancestor of most people living there. He is considered to protect the community. It is generally believed that some of the deceased have certain powers, and thus can help the people of the community in various ways, among others in securing the economic outcome. Special rituals can be performed in order to contact their souls and ask for their assistance, usually at the graves. Such rituals commonly involve sacrifices.
The Impact of the Islamic Resurgence
But according to orthodox Islam, most of these beliefs, and especially the ritual practices, are heresy. There is only one, undivided god. Adherents of the religion should believe in, worship and pray to him only, and not via prophets, for instance. It is true that Islam postulates the existence of certain supernatural beings such as jin, Syaitan (Satan) and malaikat (angels). But the character of the spirits in Malay tradition clearly shows their origin in Hindu, Buddhist and other pre-Islamic religions or traditions. And in any case one should not seek to manipulate them in a fashion not prescribed by Islam. The imam of Tuba explained that people could protect themselves against such spirits, but not actively seek their help in order to achieve certain ends, disregarding the purpose. The Islamic personal prayer, do‘a, is the only means by which human beings should put forward their requests.
The interesting point is that at a certain level of consciousness most people in the community are aware of this. There is discernible evidence of the work of propagators in recent last decades who have been calling for a return to orthodox Islam in Malaysia. Many Tubans will emphasize in their conversations with people outside their community that previously, or in the olden days, they were traditional and did not know better. But today they are modern and aware of the right doctrine. During my stay in the island community such utterances were regularly heard among people eager to present themselves in a favourable light to the outside world. Sometimes my inquiry into traditional beliefs would spark off such a reaction. It is interesting to note that the various people I chatted with would use much the same examples and modes of expression when pointing to their current beliefs and practices, seen against the mistaken previous practices conducted by them or their ancestors. Thus upon careful inquiry into the kinds of skills that could be found among the islanders regarding ritual observations or spirit propitiations, most people would deny that such existed. Or they would add that previously people might have had such knowledge, but now they pray to God only (sembahayang kepada Tuhan sahaja), pointing upwards while saying the last words. This act I observed several times. Some people would also go to the point of listing some of their traditional ways of being un-Islamic and therefore wrong.
One such institution was the tradition of bersanding, which is the climax of the wedding ritual. The bride and the bridegroom are made to sit on a dais for some minutes with the guests as cheering on-lookers. The couple should try to remain seemingly unmoved during the act, staring in front of them with their hands placed in their laps. This ritual is derived from court traditions and is clearly of Hindu origin. The overt intention of the ritual is to protect the newly-weds from forces in the environment and to strengthen their semangat. But the ritual is today more a hallmark of Malay tradition as such, and therefore felt to be a necessary part of a "proper" wedding.
The bersanding thus signifies various dimensions to the Malays. It is thought to be traditional and therefore a hallmark of Malay identity. But the ritual is nevertheless associated with un-Islamic propitiation of spirits, and therefore improper for true Moslems and therefore Malays. And thirdly, one can speculate that the Hindu origin of the ritual associates it with traditions belonging to another ethnic group present in the Malaysian society, and therefore to an identity Malays are eager to delimit themselves from.
The two concepts ‘modern‘ (moden) and ‘traditional‘ (tradisi) therefore carry special connotations among the Malays. To be modern is the opposite of being backward and unenlightened, labels the Malays seem to fear and be touchy about. To have knowledge of the tenets of orthodox Islam is considered enlightened, and therefore modern. ‘Traditional‘ can therefore also be seen as the opposite of ‘modern‘ and in this sense carries a negative significance. Thus ‘traditional‘ can be charged with both positive and negative connotations.
Returning to the similarities in how people respond to the mentioning of spirit belief and the use of magic, we can detect the work of people belonging to what is commonly known as the dakwah movement. The term dakwah is derived from the Arabic word da‘a, which means to call or to invite, that is with reference to the obligation of all Moslems to try to bring negligent followers of the faith back to the right doctrine as well as to convert non-believers to the faith.
In the Malaysian context dakwah relates in everyday speech first and foremost to the work of certain Islamic organizations or movements (Nagata 1984: 81-83). The members and followers of this dakwah movement advocate a more pious life-style and correct interpretation of the holy scriptures among people. Through home visits, distribution of pamphlets, etc., village people come into contact with their ideas. But the dakwah movement has also put pressure on the village people to observe the teachings of the Qur‘an in indirect ways: through its impact on the religious authorities, the mass media, the religious teachers and the educated children of the villagers.
It should be noted, though, that Islam is disseminated to the Malays from the moment they are born. Not only are they reminded of their religious identity through the observance of and participation in practical conduct like prayers, food restrictions, greetings and the use of such outward signs as clothing and wall decorations with Islamic texts, but the children are from an early age taught religion in organized groups and classes, both in school as well as in private fora. Later in life people can seek religious instruction from knowledgeable people in the village, from religious programmes on radio and televison, and from the dakwah missionaries visiting the home.
Thus at all stages of life the heresy of traditional beliefs and practices is pointed out to people. And it was obvious that certain formulations and examples were pointed out. The bersanding ritual is a case-in-point. People would inform through much the same wordings that the performance of this ritual had ceased among the Malays or within the close family only because it was Hindu and did not follow Islam. In practice, however, all the weddings on Tuba included the bersanding as a public ritual. Whether the scale and extent of the ritual had diminshed throughout the years, I am not able to judge. But on a discursive level (see Giddens 1984), bersanding has become an important hallmark of being "un-Islamic", although the symbolic significance of the ritual is not unambiguous and points to the dual connotation of tradition.
Another practice which was frequently pointed out by the fishermen of Tuba as an example of heresy was the ritual feast of puja pantai, or offerings on the beach to the sea spirit. This ritual was previously held annually in order to appease this spirit, who was otherwise inclined to damage the fishing gear or afflict the fishermen with illnesses when at sea. This feast, which is known from various fishing communities in Malaysia, has been banned by the religious authorities in the past couple of decades. It was pointed out to people that the image of the spirit had been identified as pre-Islamic, and propitiations of spirits are in any case wrong. It is interesting to note that some people, who quickly pointed out this ritual as an example of backward or heretic behaviour which has now disappeared due to the enlightenment of modern Malays, would state the public dancing in connection with the feast and the resulting contact between the sexes as the undesirable element seen from Islam‘s point of view when asked to explain why. People, and sometimes also religious officials, were therefore quite certain that this ritual was wrong according to orthodox Islam, but gave various answers as to why.
Individualization and Privitization
Thus, as a result of the Islamic resurgence and the work of the dakwah movement, some changes have occurred in the significance of traditional spirit beliefs and use of magic during the past two or three decades. The traditional rituals can be said to have diminished along two dimensions. First, they have become individualized. From communal offerings on behalf of the whole community they have been reduced to the individual propitiations of spirits on behalf of one person or household. Previously people in the community would join forces to organize rituals of which the purpose would be in the interests of all. The colourful event of puja pantai has already been mentioned. This would gather lots of people on the beach and include a communal meal. Although the offerings were performed by ritual specialists, the intention was to safeguard the expeditions of all fishermen casting their nets in the nearby waters, as well as other villagers travelling across the sea.
Similar communal rituals were previously held if the village was plagued by outbreaks of epidemics and pestilence. In this case the guarding spirit of the village was appealed to. This spirit would be identical with the keramat of the founding father of the village, Tok Bagus. A public ceremony was performed involving the ritual slaughtering of an animal and offerings given to the spirit. This would act as protection for the village as a whole.
Secondly, the magic rituals have been privatized. Public rituals with a big audience are hardly ever found any more. Magic is executed mostly by a person alone and partly out of sight of others. A discontented fisherman may seek the assistance of a traditional ritual specialist in order to identify and then satisfy the mischievious spirit who is believed to have been at work. The specialist will most probably quietly perform rituals to the special sea spirit without the surrounding people being notified. Or sometimes it is believed that the trouble at sea stems from the weakened semangat of the fishing boat. It can then be brought ashore and its vital power strengthened. Such rituals are sometimes also performed before a new boat is launched. Some fishermen will themselves make discrete petitions to the Prophet Khir before leaving the house and in the morning and going to sea in order to ensure a safe and bountiful expedition. The most common use of magic is not an active attempt to influence an agent towards something, but to protect oneself from it through the observances of taboos or prohibitions, like not wearing shoes on board boats. Traditional rituals are therefore relegated to a much more private domain than previously.
As we shall see, individualization and privatization make the traditional magic less visible and unnoticeable. To the degree it still exists, it does not lend itself to much reflection by the people. The foreigner making a casual visit to the community will think the local Muslims are rid of such exotic spirit beliefs. She may not be able to spot any traces of magic being performed, and people normally deny its practice. Of course spirit beliefs are generally not discussed due to their association with heresy and backwardness, and because they relate to unknown and possibly dangerous forces. These are, however, not the exhaustive reasons for rejecting their existence. The villagers themselves are today mostly unaware of the place of their tradition on a conscious and discursive level and genuinely believe when bringing the matter forward that its occurrence is little more than folkloristic relics of the past. Some people are, of course, minimally involved in the performance of personal rituals. Others, even if they do employ ritual specialists, may, due to the small scale and discrete performance, not ponder about what they are doing and identify this with heresy. They remember the concrete acts and formulations presented to them by religious teachers and missionaries, but are genuinely unaware of the presence of such traditional elements in their everyday lives.
The Questions of Why and How
My contention is that these remnants of traditional elements are not mere leftovers from pre-Islamic times. They continue to exist in spite of pressure to the contrary precisely because people employ them in order to meet certain cognitive needs in their present lives. People continue to believe, at least periodically and to a certain degree, in the existence of forces and spirits with intrinsic power, and in people‘s ability to influence these agents in a desired direction. Some people also apply magic themselves, or employ traditional ritual specialists to do so.
Both Islam, the religion, and the traditional beliefs, have the dual qualities of offering comfort, especially in times of uncertainty, and of explaining why events happen the way they do. The qualities found in the religion and those found in the tradition do not, however, overlap. Islam provides explanations of events as the result of Allah‘s will, the promise of a fair judgement and possible reward in the afterlife. The traditional beliefs provide an explanation and the possibility of interaction with and manipulation of spirits in the surroundings. The latter area of beliefs differs from the religion in offering a multitude of possible explanations and, not least, potential for manipulation. In Islam there is only one almighty agent whose will is absolute and unambigious, although it may be unintelligible to ordinary mortals. People may end their daily prayers with personal petitions to the Lord, but accept that whatever happens is according to his will. Not so within the area of traditional beliefs. We here encounter a multitude of spirits and forces in a variety of apparitions.
The hapless fisherman who has met with misfortune may look around for explanations. He may have prayed to God for a safe and bountiful journey at sea, but is not able to settle with the thought that the outcome should be accepted as God‘s will and that any rewards will not come until later. Such an idea is hard to accept if bad luck continues for longer periods. This is when the fishermen of Tuba turn to magic. In the area of traditional beliefs one can attempt to identify the cause of misfortune by trying out one spirit after the other as a causing agent. This provides the fisherman with seemingly more control, as he can continue searching without having to accept the situation as something final. Moreover, he is not left to perform a silent personal prayer, as to God, but can seek to influence the spirits through active manipulation. The explanations and manipulations are more down to earth, causal and pertain to notions of being capable of something as tangible as mastering a technique. The concept of magic may therefore bestow on the believer a sense of being in control.
Instead of describing the two cosmological areas as pantheons with spirits belonging to separate domains, it seems perhaps more reasonable to render them as constituting different logical domains. The Malay fisherman always carries with him the belief, or at least notion, of the almighty Allah and accepts the idea that certain other non-human forces are present in the environment, which is not contrary to the holy scriptures. What separates the "approaches" to the spirit world is the nature of the interaction between man and the members of the supernatural realm.
The extra-Islamic elements, i.e. the manipulation of forces, spirits and prophets for concrete ends, and the orthodox Islamic doctrine, therefore seem to play partly different roles in the lives of people and to appear in partly separate contexts. Despite their being logically speaking contradictory, this does, however, not result in much mental conflict. This is due to the existence of certain qualities or "mechanisms" inherent in the traditional belief system.
Particularistic and contextual nature
One major characteristic of the traditional beliefs on Tuba is the dispersed manner in which they appear. Along with the average villager, I came to hear about spirits and their misdeeds through fractional and ‘incomplete‘ stories told at intimate gatherings. Often the assumed behaviour of the spirits, as well as people‘s reaction to them, were only hinted at in such a way that each person listening could interpret it in her or his own fashion.
The general nature of the spirit world was seldom discussed. The spirits were usually referred to in practical situations, when attempting to avoid their mischief or when discussing the misfortune of a villager. Thus, the traditional beliefs are normally only activated in specific contexts, and not on an abstract level. They hardly form a system in which the elements are assigned a fixed and unambiguous place in relation to each other.
The traditional world view of the Malays is therefore seemingly characterized by being expressed, used and learned in ‘bits and pieces.‘ Ordinary villagers acquire the knowledge of traditional beliefs from childhood on by a process of deduction from their informal exposure to stories about spirits, and to incidents assumed to be the work of spirits. Islam, on the other hand, is as mentioned taught to children - and sometimes adults - in a range of fora. The child is also taught religious norms in practical situations, which can be accompanied by an explanation that this is according to religion. While the suspected work of spirits is mostly hinted at, religious explanations are on the contrary stressed: people seem to experience a certain relief if they can ascribe their own behaviour to being in accordance with the moral norms of Islam, and they will tend to make a point of this to others.
The "visible" qualities of the Islamic religion enable it to stand out as the religion, well defined towards other religions and belief systems with which the Tubans do not identify. It is associated with the mosque, the imam, the Qur‘an, the wearing of special clothes, verbal expressions and other markers of identity. The people in the island community thus identify strongly with Islam as their religion vis-à-vis other formal religions.
Individualized nature
It was stated above that the propitiation of spirits associated with economic ventures has become more privatized and individualized. It is carried out by the interested party alone, or by a ritual specialist employed by this party. As a result, the set of knowledge and beliefs held by each person tends to differ. The spirit beliefs not only appear unsystematically and dispersed in the mind of the individual; there are also disparities and inconsistencies between the beliefs held by various people. Due to their hidden nature, they are not systematically compared from person to person. Only in special instances may a person start to learn the acts of a traditional ritual specialist. But such instruction is again transmitted privately between pairs of persons.
Since knowledge is conveyed privately and between two people only, there is no external agency to control and correct the information. And ordinary people are normally none too eager to ‘compare notes‘ - the spirits are basically harmful and should therefore not be mentioned explicitly. The whole matter is possibly best left alone, which of course does not mean that people are indifferent to the work of these unknown forces.
So in comparison to Islam people are not particularly enthusiastic about arriving at an acknowledged, standardized ritual for conduct. The traditional beliefs are not brought to the fore in interaction and communication between people. The result is again a lack of visibility, which would have been a reminder of its existence.
Distancing
It can be argued that the majority of villagers in fact have a passive relationship with the traditional beliefs. These Tubans sometimes participate in the conversation revolving around spirits and their work. They may inquire carefully about the details of a story, without commenting upon it. If they do involve themselves actively in the conversation, there is a tendency for them to distance themselves from the narratives. They will frequently open their accounts with the expression ‘orang cakap...‘ or ‘people say that...‘, thus detaching themselves from the story and not committing themselves to testifying to its truth. Or they may clearly state that what they are telling is not their own belief, but according to kepercayaan disini or local belief, as opposed to religion. The important thing to note is that following such an objectification of the narratives, people may switch to an emotional statement of what happened to them personally.
When speaking about Islam, the fishermen of Tuba tend to make a point of the fact that Islam is their religion, that they are followers of Islamic practices, that the religion offers the best moral tenets, etc. People describe Islam in unambiguous terms, and express a strong feeling of identity with it. In contrast to the traditional beliefs, the overriding importance of the religion is expressed and perhaps overemphasized. We can speak of a presentation of identity, a process known from, for instance, ethnic situations (see Eidheim 1974: 53). The very fact that Islam is a practical religion, and that it is further embodied in personal and communal rites executed on a regular basis, helps people to internalize a feeling of nearness and belonging to the exclusion of other religions or belief systems.
Diffuse categories
The last identified "mechanism" relates to a certain diffuseness when referring to traditional beliefs and practices. A peculiarity that struck me when discussing these beliefs was the tendency to avoid stating the clear presence of something. People would instead admit that there was a little bit of of something among them, with referrence to, for instance, keramat places or traditional ritual expertise on the island.
A further diffuseness is found in reference to the identity of both spirits and practitioners. It has been mentioned that people tend to use the generic term hantu for a range of spirits and forces when asked what they are referring to. Quite often, though, people refrain from using any noun at all, and - if so required - apply pronouns like ‘something‘ or ‘it.‘ People are also reluctant to refer to God directly, as can be expected when touching on the subject of a powerful and respectful image. They will use the term Tuhan (Lord) or Tuhan Allah, or simply point upwards towards heaven. But generally speaking there is less reluctance to refer to God directly than there is with spirits. And due to the unity of God, there is no ambiguity in what or whose power or will is referred to.
The religious leader of the community is always referred to and addressed as Tok Imam by everybody in the village except his closest relatives. This is therefore a twenty-four-hour title as it is used in non-religious contexts also. The same can in some cases be said about the religious teachers (ustaz/ustazah) and those who have made the pilgrimage to Mecca (haji/hajjah). This is contrary to the traditional specialists, who are only referred to by their proper name when indiciating particular persons. None of these persons are working as full time specialists, and their fellow villagers are not reminded of their special skills in everyday life.
A series of qualities inherent in popular spirit beliefs, and in the manner in which people relate to them, functions as a mechanism to veil their existence, or at least their significance in the life of the villagers, both from outsiders and not least from the people themselves. The very fact that Islam tends to be far more visible due to its communal and public nature, and that due to the ethnic situation and the Islamic revival people identify strongly with it, result in its overwhelming pervasiveness and predominance in people‘s minds. With its strict insistence upon monotheism and the unity of God - constantly insisted upon by present-day religious scholars - the idea of the spirit world tends to be relegated to the depth of people‘s consciousness. Uncomfortable feelings occur whenever specific institutions or actions are explicitly pointed out as heresy, which has clearly been the case time and again for the last 20-30 years. The composition and magnitude of traditional beliefs have therefore changed, but they seem to have settled into a less visible place in the background. From here they are able to provide people with a certain amount of consolation by offering an alternative or supplementary approach to explaining and dealing with their misery in times of distress, when the feeling of impotence and meaninglessness becomes predominant.
For the great majority of Tubans, the spirit world is not a matter for daily concern. In fact, when reminded of it, many people will use the notion of popular beliefs to accentuate their own religious belonging as a contrast to it, thereby dissociating themselves from it. Magical beliefs and practices may then be branded as backward and ridiculed. Still, the fact remains that a general idea of the existence of a variety of unknown forces in the environment is inherited and stored in people‘s minds. This idea, which under most circumstances is no more than a latent reservoir of diffuse knowledge, suddenly gains importance and meaning when insecurity, instability and incomprehensibility prevail. Although its significance does not always emerge on a conscious or at least discursive level (or at least not immediately), people are granted a feeling of the presence and power of spirits, and may react accordingly. Thus spirit beliefs still play a lively role in the culture of the fishermen on Tuba.
Conclusions
In concluding this paper some nuancings must be made. I would do the people of Tuba wrong in leaving the impression that all of them hold a continuous strong belief in traditional spirits and forces, and moreover attempt to influence these spirits actively. It may be useful to attempt an ideal type of classification of people‘s relations to traditional beliefs and conducts, although these would not fit everyone.
First we find those people who do not believe at all in un-Islamic elements and express this clearly. Not even in a crisis do they show interest in extra-Islamic explanations involving the spirit world.
The second category are those who make a point of rejecting traditional beliefs, but who keep a keen eye on others‘ conduct in this respect and listen carefully to stories that may throw light on supernatural explanations. They do not really believe in them, but doubts arise in certain situations and magic might be resorted to in times of crisis. These people often observe taboos, which is a passive - and therefore seemingly neutral - way of relating to the traditional world view.
Then we have those who officially reject the tradition as un-Islamic, but who in practice fully believe in traditional explanations and who perform rituals in line with them. They do not normally see any contradiction between speech and conduct.
Finally we find a fourth category, namely those who, although firm believers in the truth and superiority of Islam, are not able to understand and articulate the Islamic monotheism, and who express their beliefs in traditional spirits and souls without reservation. They may have long experience in the use of magic, but are often not active practitioners any more as they are likely to be elderly people.
My experience indicates that most people on Tuba belong to the second category, although the third group is not insignificant and is occasionally employed by the second group to perform rituals for them. One might also find shifts from one category to the other. This may be due to more information about and pressure to conform with orthodox Islam and a concommitant lack of need to look for other solutions. On the other hand, when facing an uncertain and possibly hopeless situation, people may be led to seek comfort outside the holy scriptures. A revival of the tradition may thus be the result.
To conclude: the above study indicates that when the official religion is unable to comfort people sufficiently and provide answers in their day-to-day tasks, they turn to magic. In the present-day revivalistic climate among the Malays the role of magic has diminished but not been completely eradicated, as it seems to respond to certain needs among people. In the village economy these needs emerge especially with regards to uncertain ventures like fishing, bird-catching and the collection of honey. In all these economic activities the productive results may be highly variable as they are characterized by danger and/or variations in outcome which are inherent in the activities themselves. On Tuba, the use of magic in agriculture had symptomatically disappeared as far as I could gather, and modern rice-farming is not endowed with uncertainty regarding the outcome in the same way as fishing.
References
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