Languages and Peoples of South Sulawesi

Stephen Druce

The languages spoken in South Sulawesi belong to one of four stocks of the Malayo-Polynesian branch of the Austronesian language family; namely, the South Sulawesi stock, the Central Sulawesi stock, the Muna-Buton stock and the Sama-Bajaw stock. Speakers of Muna-Buton stock languages inhabit the area of Wotu in Luwu Utara, the southern tip of Selayar island and the small islands of Kalao, Bonerate, Kalaotoa and Karompa, all of which are located to the southeast of Selayar. Speakers of Central Sulawesi stock languages inhabit the northern half of kabupaten (regency) Mamuju and the northern and eastern parts of kabupaten Luwu Utara. Sama-Bajaw speakers are scattered in a few coastal areas of Bone and Luwu and around the islands of Selayar and Pangkep. Here I will focus only on those languages that make up the South Sulawesi language group, which are spoken by the vast majority of the province‘s inhabitants.

Grimes and Grimes (1987) tentatively identified about 20 distinct languages of the South Sulawesi stock, which they placed into 10 related family or subfamily groupings. Friberg and Laskowske (1989) revised this identification to 28 distinct languages within 8 family or subfamily groupings. A further revision by Grimes (2000) now identifies 29 distinct languages within 8 family or subfamily groupings:

1. The Bugis family, which consists of two languages: Bugis (3,500,000 speakers) and Campalagian (30,000 speakers)
2. The Lemolang language (2,000 speakers)
3. The Makasar family, which consists of five languages: Bentong (25,000 speakers), Coastal Konjo (125,000 speakers), Highland Konjo (150,000 speakers), Makasar (1,600,000 speakers) and Selayar (90,000 speakers)
4. The Northern South Sulawesi family, which consists of two languages, Mandar (200,000 speakers) and Mamuju (60,000 speakers), and three subfamilies (below, 5, 6 & 7)
5. The Massenrempulu subfamily, which consists of four languages: Duri (95,000 speakers), Enrekang (50,000 speakers), Maiwa (50,000 speakers) and Malimpung (5,000 speakers)
6. The Pitu Ulunna Salu subfamily, which consists of five languages: Aralle-Tabulahan (12,000 speakers), Bambam (22,000 speakers), Dakka (1,500 speakers), Pannei (9,000 speakers) and Ulumandaq (30,000 speakers)
7. The Toraja-Saddan subfamily, which consists of six languages: Kalumpang (12,000 speakers), Mamasa (100,000 speakers), Taeq (250,000 speakers), Talondoq (500 speakers), Toalaq (30,000 speakers) and Toraja-Saddan (500,000 speakers)
8. The Seko family, which consists of four languages: Budong-Budong (70 speakers), Panasuan (900 speakers), Seko-Padang (5,000 speakers) and Seko-Tengah (2,500 speakers)
The spatial distribution of these languages is shown on the following webpage.

The most convergent of the 29 languages are those that make up the Northern South Sulawesi family. These have lexical similarities with one another ranging from 52 per cent to 72 per cent (Grimes and Grimes 1987:19). The Bugis family shares a relatively high percentage of lexicostatistical similarities with the Northern South Sulawesi family languages, averaging over 52 per cent. The most divergent of the South Sulawesi languages are those that make up the Makasar family, sharing an average of just 43 per cent lexical similarity with the other members of the South Sulawesi stock (Grimes and Grimes 1987:25). Earlier linguistic work by Mills (1975:491) also shows Makasar languages to be the most distinct of the South Sulawesi languages. Both Mills and Grimes and Grimes (1987:25) conclude that Makasar was the first language to break off from the Proto South Sulawesi language. At the same time, there is also significant divergence within the Makasar family itself: the Makasar language shares 75 per cent, 76 per cent and 69 per cent lexical similarities with Highland Konjo, Coastal Konjo and Selayar respectively (Grimes 2000).

How many of the 29 South Sulawesi stock languages are today commensurate to individual ethnic groups is uncertain, as to date no studies have addressed local ethnic perceptions in any detail. Much academic and most tourist literature mentions only the four largest of South Sulawesi‘s ethnic groups, the Bugis, Makasar, Saddan-Toraja and Mandar. Smaller groups are either ignored or considered to belong to one of the four ethnic groups above, which stands in opposition to local ethnolinguistic perceptions. From a historical and archaeological perspective, the linguistic data can be considered as a basic guide to understanding ethnic diversity and ethnic boundaries in South Sulawesi.

The most numerous ethnic group of South Sulawesi are the Bugis, who number about 3,500,000. The Bugis occupy most of the eastern half of the peninsula, much of the western half of the peninsula (from around kabupaten Pangkep to the central-northern parts of kabupaten Pinrang and Sidrap, all of the central fertile plains, and parts of the coastal plain in kabupaten Luwu. Small pockets of Bugis are also found in kabupaten Luwu Utara, Polmas and Mamuju. Next largest numerically are speakers of Makasar languages, about 1,600,000 of whom inhabit the southwestern part of the peninsula, most of the peninsula‘s southern coast and all but the southern tip of Selayar island. With the exception of the fertile area in the southwestern part of the province and the area around Maros, the Makasar occupy less fertile land than the Bugis and are consequently less prosperous.

The Bugis and Makasar peoples are often stereotyped as sailors, traders, and even occasionally as pirates. While some are indeed traders and sailors this stereotypical image has been created from the activities of a relatively small number of individuals. This reputation appears to date to no earlier than the seventeenth century (see Lineton 1975:177-185; Abu Hamid 1987:2-17). The reality is that the Bugis and Makasar are primarily farmers, whose main occupation for centuries has been intensive wet-rice cultivation together with other minor crops. Indeed, the emergence of the Bugis and Makasar kingdoms after 1300 was directly linked to the expansion of wet-rice agriculture (Macknight 1983).

The Bugis and Makasar are often considered the most closely related of South Sulawesi‘s ethnic groups, despite the evident linguistic divergence. Some local scholars even use the compound term ‘Bugis-Makasar‘ when writing about South Sulawesi culture and history. While there are common cultural traits between these two ethnic groups, the term ‘Bugis-Makasar‘ appears to have been born, at least in part, from a desire for a common Islamic identity. Today, Islam is an important expression of ethnic identity for both ethnic groups, yet as Friberg and Laskowske (1989:3) note, where Bugis and Makasar languages overlap in kabupaten Maros and Pangkep, each language remains distinct, and individuals clearly identify themselves as either Bugis or Makasar. At the same time, Bugis and Makasar genres of indigenous writings closely correspond with each other, as do their oral traditions, and from about 1300 onwards the two ethnic groups shared similar historical experiences.

Another ethnic group often associated with the Bugis and Makasar are the Mandar who also converted to Islam at the beginning of the seventeenth century. About 200,000 Mandar-speakers inhabit the narrow coastal strip and hill areas in the northwestern part of the peninsula in kabupaten Majene and Polmas. Of all the peoples of South Sulawesi, it is the Mandar whose life is most closely linked to the sea. Their main occupation is fishing but they also cultivate cacao, copra, maize and cassava.

Speakers of Toraja-Saddan languages total about 890,000. They are spread over a relatively wide area in the northern half of the province. The majority inhabit kabupaten Tana Toraja and are often referred to as the Saddan-Toraja, after the name of the river that flows through the region. The Saddan-Toraja began to convert to Christianity in the early part of the twentieth century as a result of the work of Dutch missionaries. Today, about 87 per cent are Christian and 9 per cent are Muslim, with the remainder still following the indigenous religion known as aluq to dolo, ‘way of the ancestors.‘ (Waterson 1990:111). While wet-rice is grown in river valleys, the Saddan-Toraja mainly practice garden cultivation, the most lucrative crop being coffee.

To the east of the Saddan-Toraja in kabupaten Polmas are speakers of the Mamasa language, often called the Mamasa-Toraja. As with the Saddan-Toraja most of the Mamasa-Toraja are Christian. Despite this, both the Mamasa-Toraja and Saddan-Toraja consider themselves to be ethnically and culturally distinct to one another, this being evident in their complicated architecture, and for the Mamasa-Toraja the absence of the famous cliff-face graves of Tana Toraja.

Speakers of Toraja-Saddan languages also inhabit large areas of kabupaten Luwu and Luwu Utara, where they make up at least one third of the population. Small pockets of Toraja-Saddan speakers also inhabit the northern tip of kabupaten Pinrang and the southeastern part of Mamuju. The majority Taeq and Toalaq speakers of Luwu and Luwu Utara are Muslim, which tends to exaggerate differences between them and their Saddan-Toraja neighbours.

Massenrempulu-speaking ethnic groups collectively number about 200,000. They occupy the low hills and mountain areas in kabupaten Enrekang, and the northern parts of kabupaten Pinrang and Sidrap, the area between the Bugis and Saddan-Toraja. Most speakers of Massenrempulu languages converted to Islam in the seventeenth century. Partly because of a shared Islamic identity, the Massenrempulu are often associated with their Bugis neighbours. However, Massenrempulu-speaking groups claim to be ethnically distinct from the Bugis and also from one another (see Druce 2005). Although some wet-rice is grown, most Massenrempulu practice garden cultivation.

Speakers of Pitu-Uluna-Salo languages number about 74,000 and inhabit the hill and mountain areas to the north and east of kabupaten Mandar, with whose people they have had a long economic and cultural relationship (George 1996). The majority of Pitu-Uluna-Salo-speakers are now Muslim but there is a sizeable Christian minority. As with speakers of Toraja-Saddan languages, the religious divergence of Pitu-Uluna-Salo-speakers has created divisions, as some of the Muslim majority have begun to develop a greater affinity with their Mandar neighbours.

The 60,000-odd speakers of the Mamuju language inhabit the coastal plain and foothills in the most northerly part of the South Sulawesi province, where they practice garden cultivation and fishing. To the south and southeast are about 4,000 speakers of Seko languages, who inhabit the rugged terrain in central areas of kabupaten Mamuju and Luwu Utara.

One of the smallest ethnic group that speaks a South Sulawesi stock language is the Lemolang. About 2,000 people living in the foothills around Baebunta and Sabbang in Luwu Utara speak this language. While the small number of speakers suggests that Lemolang is in danger of disappearing, Grimes (2000) reports that of 25 children questioned in 1990, 76 per cent said that they spoke the language well.

In spite of the evident cultural, religious and ethnic diversity, there are a number of cultural concepts shared by all South Sulawesi group speakers reflect which point a common origin. These include the importance given to ascriptive status, the position of women as status markers for a kin group, the concept of siriq (self-worth, shame) and the concept of a white-blooded ruling elite, many of whom are believed to be descended from tomanurung (beings descended from the Upperworld to rule over the common people) or totompoq (beings who arose from the Underworld). While there are significant differences in architecture, the traditional houses of all South Sulawesi language speakers have a central post around which house ceremonies are conducted, and houses are traditionally built facing north.

References
Abdul Hamid. 1985. Manusia Bugis-Makassar: Satu tinjauan histories terhadap tingkah laku dan pandangan hidup manusia Bugis Makassar. Jakarta: Inti Idayu.

Druce, S.C. 2005. The lands west of the lakes: The history of Ajattappareng, South Sulawesi, AD 1200 TO 1600. PhD thesis, The University of Hull.

Friberg, T., and T.V. Laskowske. 1989. ‘South Sulawesi languages‘, in: J.N. Sneddon (ed.), Studies in Sulawesi linguistics part 1. Jakarta: Badan Penyelenggara Seri Nusa.

George, K.M. 1996. Showing signs of violence: The cultural politics of a twentieth-century headhunting ritual. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Grimes, C.E., and B.D. Grimes, 1987. Languages of South Sulawesi. Canberra: Australian National University.

Grimes B.F. (ed.), 2000. Ethnologue: Languages of the world (fourteenth edition: CD-ROM). SIL International.

Lineton, J., 1975. ‘Pasome‘ Ugi‘: Bugis migrants and wanders.‘ Archipel 10: 173-201.

La Side, 1977. ‘Beberapa keterangan dan petunjuk tentang pengertian dan perkembangan siri‘ pada suku Bugis.‘ Bingkisan Budaya Sulawesi Selatan 1-2:25-39.

Macknight, C.C. 1983. ‘The rise of agriculture in South Sulawesi before 1600.‘ Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs 17:92-116.

Mills, R.F. 1975. Proto South Sulawesi and Proto Austronesian phonology. PhD thesis, University of Michigan.

Waterson, R. 1990. ‘Introducing Tana Toraja‘ in: T.A. Volkman and I.A. Caldwell (eds) Sulawesi: The Celebes. Singapore: Periplus Editions.
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Source: web.mac.com
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