Reinforcing Neo-Sufism in the Malay-Indonesian World:

Shattariyyah Order in West Sumatra [1]

Introduction

Tariqah (Sufi order) has played an important role in the Malay-Indonesian world since early times, particularly because the Islam that came to this region was originally of a mystical nature (tasawwuf). [2] This meant that tariqah, as organisation within the world of tasawwuf, could soon be found in all the regions of Malay-Indonesian world where Islam was spreading. In several specific areas, tariqah became a palace phenomenon, when followers and some tariqah murshids (teachers) became part of the family or became officials in the palace. In Aceh for example, Nuruddin al-Raniri (d. 1658 A.D.), who was one of the prime teachers in the Rifa‘iyyah order, became the Shaikh al-Islam–one of the most senior positions in the Sultanate under the Sultan himself – during the reign of Sultan Iskandar Tsani (1637-1641 A.D.) and the early reign of Sultanah Safiatuddin (1641-1675 A.D.). Similarly, Abdurrauf al-Sinkili (1615-1690 A.D.), who was the prime caliph of the Shattariyyah order in the Malay-Indonesian world, was trusted by Sultanah Safiatuddin for his entire career to hold the position of Qadi Malik al-‘Adil or religious law adviser for the Kingdom, with responsibility for various social-religious issues. [3]

A similar situation also took place in other regions, such as Cirebon and Banten, in subsequent periods. Several sources explain that a number of senior kingdom officials in the Sultanate of Cirebon and Banten were students of tariqah and directly related to murshids in Mecca (Bruinessen 1994a: 13). In the Kraton Cirebon (Cirebon Palace), for example, several followers became murshids, specifically in Shattariyyah, such as P.S. Sulediningrat, who was also a descendant of Sunan Gunung Djati. Other Shattariyyah murshid included Mbah Muqayyim, a Kraton Muslim leader, who later established an Islamic boarding school (pesantren) in Buntet, which has now become one of the most important bases for the Shattariyyah order in the Cirebon region (Muhaimin 1997:10). In the Banten Sultanate, tariqah, aside from becoming a means of obtaining spiritual strength, was also trusted in palace circles as a medium for attaining support, legitimising and increasingly strengthening their position as rulers (Bruinessen 1994b).

The development of Shattariyyah which was one of the most important types of Sufi orders in the process of Islamisation in the Malay-Indonesian world– was centered on one main figure, Abdurrauf al-Sinkili in Aceh. By way of a number of his students, the teachings of the Shattariyyah order then spread to various regions in the Malay-Indonesian world. Together with other Sufi orders, the Shattariyyah order, which was developed by al-Sinkili and his students, disseminated the teachings of neo-Sufism in the Malay-Indonesian world. Amongst the most noteworthy characteristics of neo-Sufism is the reconciliation of tasawwuf and aspects of shari‘ah (Azra 1994: 109). In the context of Islamic intellectual traditions in the Malay-Indonesian world, the teaching of tasawwuf with Neo-Sufist qualities has dominated discourse since the early 17th century, and thus influences most Islamic manuscripts.

The article looks at the dynamics and developments in NeoSufist teachings from the 19th century until the mid-20th century, using the Shattariyyah order in West Sumatra as a case study. Along with looking at the spread of the Shattariyyah order in West Sumatra by way of Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan, a key figure in the order, this discussion will also focus on how Shattariyyah spread in this region, what changes took place in terms of the teachings of neo-Sufism, especially during the later period (19th and 20th centuries), and the nature of the Shattariyyah teacher-student silsilah [4] (genealogy) in West Sumatra. It is important to point out that the main sources for the discussion in this article are both historical and didactic manuscripts related to Shattariyyah.

The Shattariyyah Order: Tracing the Roots of its History and Teachings

Tariqah was basically unknown as an institution in Islam until the 8th century Hijriah or the 14th century A.D. This means that, as an organisation in the world of tasawwuf, it can be considered something new and previously unfound in early Islamic tradition, including at the time of the Prophet. It is not surprising then that nearly all known types of tariqah are related to the names of later groups of religious leaders or scholars, who lived centuries after the time of the Prophet (Bruinessen 1996: 47).

Qadiriyyah for example, is related to Shaikh ‘Abd al-Qadir al-Jailani (1079-1166 A.D.), Suhrawardiyyah is related to Shihab al-Din Abu Hafs al-Suhrawardi (1145-1235 A.D.), Rifa‘iyyah is related to Ahmad ibn ‘Ali Abu al-‘Abbas al-Rifa‘i (…..-1182 A.D.), Shadhiliyyah is related to Abu al-Hasan Ahmad ibn ‘Abd Allah al-Shadhili (1197-1258 A.D.), and Naqshbandiyyah is related to Baha‘ al-Din al-Naqshband (1317-1389 A.D.) (see Trimingham 1998: 14; Rivzi 1983, I: 84-88).

This is also the case for Shattariyyah; the name Shattariyyah comes from Shah ‘Abd Allah al-Shattari (d. 1485 A.D.), a scholar who has familial connections to Syihab al-Din Abu Hafs ‘Umar Suhrawardi [5] (1145-1234 A.D.), a Sufi scholar who popularised Suhrawardiyyah, a Sufi order that had earlier been established by his uncle, Diya‘ al-Din Abu Najib al-Suhrawardi (1097-1168 A.D.) (Trimingham 1998: 33-34). If traced even further back, Shattariyyah actually has its roots in the Transoxiana tradition, because its silsilah relates to Abu Yazid al-‘Ishqi, who is related to Abu Yazid al-Bustami (d. 873 A.D.) and Imam Ja‘far al-Sadiq (d.763 A.D.). It is not surprising then that this Shattariyyah is known as ‘Ishqiyyah in Iran, or Bistamiyyah in Turkey Uthmani (Trimingham 1998:97-98), and was fairly popular in the Middle East in around the 15th Century, before it faded and its influence was replaced by Naqshbandiyyah (Rivzi 1983, II: 152).

‘Ishqiyyah, or Bistamiyyah, experienced a resurgence after Syah ‘Abd Allah al-Shattar developed it in India, and called it Shattariyyah. After that, Shattariyyah was always linked to Indian forms of tasawwuf, although the names Abu Yazid al-‘Ishqi and Abu Yazid al-Bustami continued to be the basis of its silsilah, with the connection to Imam Ja‘far al-Sadiq, and finally to the Prophet Muhammad.

In the Indian context, Shattariyyah –and also other Sufi orders that had their roots in India, such as Chishtiyyah, Suhrawardiyyah, Firdausiyyah, and Qadiriyyah– appeared when various religious movements focused on Islamic proselytising toward non-Muslim groups. In India, this religious expansion constituted the first stage of religious movements, which according to scholars can generally be divided into four categories:

First, religious and social expansion, which occurred around the 6th century H/12th century A.D. until the 10th century H/16th century A.D.; secondly, religious and social reformation, which occurred around the 11th century H/17th century A.D.; thirdly, the period of regeneration which occurred in the 12th century H/18th century A.D.; and fourth, the period of reorientation which occurred in the 19th century (Nizami, Shattari, 1999).

As it was in a process of religious expansion during this period, Shattariyyah was concerned the struggle to raise spiritual and moral values through the spread of various Islamic teachings. Shah ‘Abd Allah al-Shattar, along with his followers, developed an attitude of adaptation and self-adjustment towards local community rituals and traditions, which were still greatly influenced by Hindu teachings and rituals. [6] On one hand, this accommodating attitude by the followers of the Shattariyyah order made it easier to encourage non-Muslims to embrace Islamic teachings, and this was even considered to be the key to the successful development of tariqah teachings. On the other hand, it also produced a plurality of tasawwuf concepts synchronised with and having much in common with Hindu concepts and rituals.

Syah ‘Abd Allah, as a founder of the Shattariyyah order, settled in Mandu, a village in central India, where he established the first khanqah [7] for the followers of Shattariyyah. He wrote a religious text entitled Lata‘if al-Gaibiyyah, about the fundamental principles of Shattariyyah teachings, which are described as the fastest way to achieve the highest level of mystical knowledge (Rivzi 1983, II: 153-154). This work was then perfected by two of his prominent students, Shaikh Muhammad A‘la, who was known as Shaikh Qadi Bengal (Qazan Syattari), and Shaikh Hafiz Jawnpur. The latter was noted as a student of Shah ‘Abd Allah, who continued to develop the Shattariyyah genealogy in northern India through his student, Shaikh Budhdhan. Later, a spiritual student of Shaikh Budhdhan, whose name was Shaikh Baha‘ al-Din, also wrote a religious text entitled Risalah Shattariyyah, which is also filled with the principles of Shattariyyah teachings.

It is important to note that while the Shattariyyah silsilah was developing, the names of the two students of Shah ‘Abd Allah mentioned above, that is Shaikh Qadi Bengal and Shaikh Hafiz Jawnpur, were unknown, especially in the Malay-Indonesia world. The names that filled the position of caliph of Shattariyyah following Shah ‘Abd Allah were Imam Qadi al-Shattari, Shaikh Hidayat Allah al-Sarmasti, Shaikh Haji Huduri, and Shaikh Muhammad Gauth. [8]

Among these caliphs, Shaikh Muhammad Gauth (d. 1563 A.D.) was the Shattariyyah caliph who, through his various compositions, was most successful in establishing the doctrine and teachings of Shattariyyah (Trimingham 1998: 98). He wrote a number of works containing the fundamentals of Shattariyyah teachings, among them: Jawahir al-Khamsah, Kilid Makhzan, Dama‘ir, Basayir, and Kanz al-Tauhid. However, it is important to note that among the works concerning Shattariyyah that appeared in India, only Jawahir al-Khamsah was passed on to the following generation of Shattariyyah leaders. This text contained a number of important doctrines and formulations relating to Shattariyyah in the early period of its growth in India. Unfortunately, until recently the existence of this text was unknown, with the result that knowledge of its varied content is only found through other sources in which it is quoted. [9]

Shaikh Muhammad Gauth was an ulama of Shattariyyah who was relatively close to eminent Hindu figures, and thus strengthened the relationship with them. He wrote Bahr al-Hayat, consisting of translations from the Amrita Kunda, which discusses, amongst other things, several similarities between Islam, especially tasawuf aspects, and the concepts and rituals of Hinduism. Through this work Shaikh Muhammad Gauth also adopted the techniques and practices of Yoga as part of the formulation of dhikr [10] in the Shattariyyah order (Rizvi 1983, II: 158-159). Indeed, the tasawuf traditions in India and these practices of Yoga had influenced each other since the 11th century, long before Shattariyyah was developed in India (Rizvi 1983, I: 323).

A discussion about the human organism as micro cosmos (small world), related to the larger world (macro cosmos) is included in Bahr al-Hayat. This work also explains the exercises that must be performed by those who wish to attain one of the objectives of Yoga, that is, the unity of the external body with the internal soul (Rizvi 1983, I; 335-336). Certain phases must be observed in the practice of Yoga before attaining perfection, and it is therefore not surprising that these practices have many similarities with tariqah practices in the mystical Islamic world (tasawwuf). In astanga-yoga, for example, there are five elements related to the exercises for the external body (kaya-samskaras): Yama (self restraint), Niyama (loyalty/devotion), Asana (sitting in a certain position), Pranayama (controlling desire), and Pratyahara (closing the five senses) (Pott 1966: 4-5).

There are three elements related to spiritual perfection (cittasamskaras), following on from the five external stages above: Dharana (concentration of thoughts on one particular focus), Dhyana (meditation), and Samadhi. This final stage consists of a condition rather difficult to describe with words. A person who is in the condition of samadhi experiences a state of bliss. Furthermore, their consciousness as a human being is lost (sunya) (Pott 1966: 6). Samadhi is similar to the concept of fana in tasawwuf, which is the highest stage of spiritual attainment for a salik.

Shaikh Muhammad Gauth was thus considered to be the ‘ulama‘ in Shattariyyah most influential in developing the characteristics and inclinations of the teachings of Shattariyyah order in India, which was syncretic with Hindu teachings and the practices of Yoga.

Shaikh Muhammad Gauth also wrote Kitab Mi‘raj, which tells the story of his own spiritual experiences. As a result of this work, which is considered to use too many pantheistic idioms, Shaikh Muhammad Gauth was accused by many of the Gujarat ‘ulama‘ of being extreme, and was considered to be a heretic (Trimingham 1998: 98).

Amongst the most well known students of Shaikh Muhammad Gauth is Shaikh Wajih al-Din ‘Alawi (d. 1609 A.D.), who lived in Ahmadabad, India. Shaikh Wajih al-Din persevered in defending his teacher against the various accusations from the ‘ulama‘ in Gujarat. Along with Shattariyyah, Shaikh Wajih al-Din also affiliated to other tariqahs, such as Khishtiyyah, Suhrawardiyyah, Madariyyah, Khalwatiyyah, Hamadaniyyah, Naqshbandiyyah and Firdausiyyah (Rizvi 1983, II: 130).

It is important to note that the development of Shattariyyah in India cannot be separated from the support of the authorities towards the activities of Shaikhs and followers. The prominent figures in Shattariyyah were cooperative, and had a close relationship with the sultans who were in power. Several of the followers of Shattariyyah were active in the state political activities. Shah ‘Abd al-Shattar dedicated his work, Lata‘if al-Gaibiyyah, to Sultan Giyath al-Din Khalji, while Shaikh Muhammad Gauth also helped Sultan Babur to pacify the area of Gwaliyar. Shaikh Muhammad Gauth‘s brother, Shaikh Bahlul, maintained a close relationship with Raja Humayun (Nizami 1999).

The development of the Shattariyyah order began to diminish after the death of Shaikh Muhammad Gauth and Shaikh Wajih al-Din ‘Alawi. In the following period, the popularity of Shattariyyah was replaced with enthusiasm for Naqshbandiyyah and Qadiriyyah. However, Shaikh Wajih al-Din ‘Alawi apparently “left behind” a student called Sayyid Sibgat Allah ibn Ruh Allah Jamal al-Barwaji (d. 1606 A.D.), who was born in India to Persian parents. Sibgat Allah was a close friend of Fadl Allah al-Burhanpuri al-Hindi (d. 1620 A.D.), whose work Tuhfat al-Mursalah ila Ruh al-Nabi caused heated discussions in the ‘ulama‘ community, and which caused uproar amongst Malay-Indonesian Muslims from the early to mid-17th century (Azra 1994: 85).

For several years, under the protection of local authorities, Sibgat Allah taught the Shattariyyah doctrine in his place of birth, before finally travelling to Mecca in 999 H/1591 A.D. in order to fulfil the pilgrimage (hajj). Sibgat Allah then returned to his homeland, and lived in Ahmadabad for a year. He also had the opportunity to visit Bijapur, a sufis centre in India, where he won over Sultan Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah, who then helped him to continue his journey to Mecca in the hajj season of 1005 H/1596 A.D. Sibgat Allah felt more able to develop the Shattariyyah order in Mecca and Medina (Haramayn). After finishing his hajj, he decided to stay in Medina, where he built a house and ribat (a building used by sufis for various activities, including teaching, retreats, dhikir etc), which was quite possibly a religious donation (waqf) or gift from the Sultan in Ahmadabad, Bijapur and the Uthmani officials in Medina (Azra 1994: 85).

Sayyid Sibgat Allah had brought about a new era in the development of the Shattariyyah order. This was a good example of how interaction between different knowledges caused an exchange of ideas and the transmission of Islamic “small traditions” from India. Moreover,

Sayyid Sibgat Allah, who died in Medina, was a nomadic ‘ulama‘, and played a key role in the dissemination of Islamic ideas in Haramayn (Azra 1994: 84). He was then known as the foremost Shaikh in Shattariyyah, and considered the person most responsible for the introduction of Jawahir al-Khamsah, written by Shaikh Muhammad Gauth, to the ‘ulama‘s in Haramayn.

The scholarly career of Sayyid Sibgat Allah in Haramayn was not hindered any further. He actively taught in the Nabawi mosque and in his own ribat. He also wrote a number of works on Islamic mysticism (tasawwuf), theology and exegesis (tafsir). His students came from various regions and the most prominent of these, who then went on to continue developing the Shattariyyah order, were Ahmad al-Shinawi (1567 A.D.- …..) and Ahmad al-Qushashi (1583-1660 A.D.). These two men were largely responsible for the dissemination of Sibgat Allah‘s teachings in Haramayn. The relationship between al-Shinawi and al-Qushashi was unique. Al-Shinawi was a school friend of al-Qushashi when they studied under Sayyid Sibgat Allah, but al-Shinawi was also a teacher and the father-in-law of al-Qushashi. He taught al-Qushashi about various areas of Islamic knowledge, such as hadith, fiqh, kalam and tasawwuf. Al-Shinawi also initiated al-Qushashi as the next caliph of Shattariyyah (Azra 1994:88).

Following the death of al-Shinawi, responsibility for the dissemination of Shattariyyah in Haramayn was taken on by al-Qushashi. Thus the integration of the scholarship of al-Qushashi does not need to be doubted. He was a prolific writer during his time. He wrote tens of works, in several fields of knowledge, such as tasawwuf, hadith, fiqh, usul al-fiqh, and tafsir. From all of these works, only al-Simt al-Majid was published (Azra 1994: 88-89).

Under al-Qushashi, the influence of the Shattariyyah order in Haramayn was placed on a solid ground. Furthermore, in the hands of al-Qushashi – who had already had his path cleared by al-Shinawi - Shattariyyah experienced a reorientation in terms of its earlier characteristics, which tended to emphasise mystical aspects, and became a Sufi order that taught a blend of tasawwuf and shari‘ah, and became known as neo-Sufism.

Among the prominent features and characteristics of the teachings of neo-Sufism during the period of al-Qushashi and al-Shinawi was a desire to reconcile the tasawwuf traditions and the traditions of shari‘ah. As shown in a study by Azra (1994), this reconciliation was indeed the most evident tendency of the ‘ulama‘ involved in the intellectual network of Haramayn in the 17th and 18th centuries. This tendency can be considered to be a reaction to the long-running conflict between the sufis (ahl alhaqiqah) and the fuqaha‘ (ahl al-shari‘ah). Shattariyyah also instigated a meeting of several scholarly traditions, in particular the hadith tradition, which then further strengthened the desire to justify various tasawwuf and tariqah teachings, and to clarify that tasawwuf and tariqah do not have to be considered to be in conflict with the teachings of the Qur‘an and the Sunnah. This reminded the ‘ulama‘ involved in the ‘ulama‘ network of Haramayn, including eminent figures in Shattariyyah, that they played a role in the silsilah of the hadith (Azra 1994: 110-117).

During the following period, al-Qushashi was also considered to be responsible for the transmission of neo-Sufism through Shattariyyah teachings to various corners of the world, including Malay-Indonesia, as a result of teaching students from a number of different areas. The most important students to mention in this context are Ibrahim al-Kurani (1614-1690 A.D.) and Shaikh Abdurrauf al-Sinkili (1615-1693 A.D.). [11]

Although better known as a caliph of the Naqshbandiyyah order, al-Kurani played an important role in the dissemination of Shattariyyah in the Malay-Indonesian region because of his relationship with al-Sinkili. Al-Kurani did not pass his caliphate onto anyone –including al-Sinkili– in Shattariyyah, but he was al-Sinkili‘s main teacher after the death of al-Qushashi, especially in the area of knowledge about the various mysticphilosophic doctrines studied by al-Sinkili.

Al-Sinkili himself –who can be considered the most authoritative ‘ulama‘ in the dissemination of the Shattariyyah order in the Malay-Indonesian world– had already clearly demonstrated his position as a powerful ‘ulama‘, who was able to equate himself with the important ‘ulama‘ from the rest of the world. Coming from an outlaying area of the Muslim World, al-Sinkili was able to enter the core ‘ulama‘ network and win over the majority of the ‘ulama‘ in Haramayn and then establish himself as a prominent student (Azra 1994: 198). As will be demonstrated in the following discussion, as far as the dissemination of neo-Sufism through Shattariyyah teachings in Malay-Indonesian is concerned, al-Sinkili was a key figure, as almost all the silsilah of Shattariyyah can be traced to him.

The Shattariyyah Order in the Malay-Indonesia World

The early development of the Shattariyyah order in the Malay-Indonesian world cannot be separated from Abdurrauf al-Sinkili‘s return from Haramayn early in the second half of the 17th century, in 1661 A.D., one year after the death of his teacher, al-Qushashi. [12] As explained in one of his manuscripts, ‘Umdat al-Muhtajin ila Suluk Maslak al-Mufradin, al-Sinkili spent approximately 19 years in Haramayn in order to study various areas of Islamic knowledge, such as tafsir, hadith, fiqh, tasawwuf, kalam and so on. He studied these topics under no fewer than 15 teachers, 27 famous ‘ulama‘s, and prominent mystics, well-known in Jeddah, Mecca, Medina, Mokha, Bait al-Faqih etc. [13] Al-Sinkili‘s return from Haramayn can be considered as the early entrance of Shattariyyah into the Malay-Indonesian world. Thus far there have been no works that mention the arrival of this tariqah earlier.

In Aceh, al-Sinkili soon became a point of interest, both for the general community and for the palace, due to the depth of his knowledge. Sultanah Safiyatuddin entrusted him with the position of Qadi Malik al-‘Adil, a religious leader with responsibility over socio-religious issues. Under the patronage of the Sultanah, al-Sinkili more easily disseminated his religious ideas. Moreover, al-Sinkili was also available in Aceh as a moderator in the longstanding religious conflict between Nuruddin al-Raniri and the followers of wahdat al-wujud or wujudiyyah doctrine of Hamzah Fansuri and Syamsuddin al-Sumatrani.

The socio-religious situation in Aceh strongly influenced religious thoughts and practices, including the formulation of reconciliatory Shattariyyah teachings, which were constantly trying to unite two conflicting opinions. Amongst the most noticeable examples of this characteristic of al-Sinkili was his personal approach to the wahdat alwujud doctrine. Al-Sinkili indicated his difference of opinion in relation to the wujudiyyah doctrine of Hamzah Fansuri and al-Sumatrani, which was considered to emphasise the immanence of God in the world (tashbih) too strongly, and often ignored His transcendental nature (tanzih). However, al-Sinkili did not approve of the attitude of al-Raniri either, who opposed this teaching through radical means (see Azra 1994: 191, see also Fathurahman 1999).

The character of al-Sinkili, as shown in the religious matters above, indicated that he was a well-mannered and highly respected ‘ulama‘. His charisma attracted not only the Acehnese community, but also Muslim communities in other areas. This is evident from the number of students who came to Aceh to study Islamic knowledge with him.

The most well-known students of al-Sinkili are Shaikh Burhanuddin from Ulakan, Pariaman, West Sumatra, and Shaikh Abdul Muhyi from Pamijahan, Tasikmalaya, West Java. Both these students of al-Sinkili continued and developed the silsilah of Shattariyyah, and became central figures in several areas. Shaikh Burhanuddin became the main ‘ulama‘ out of all the Shattariyyah caliphs in West Sumatra in the following period, whilst Shaikh Abdul Muhyi became one of the key links in the silsilah of Shattariyyah in the West Java region in particular, and in Java in general. [14]

Al-Sinkili took on several other students from West Sumatra aside from Shaikh Burhanuddin. In the manuscript Inilah Sejarah Ringkas Auliyaullah al-Salihin Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan yang Mengembangkan Agama Islam di Daerah Minangkabau (A Short History of the Saint Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan, who Developed Islam in the Minangkabau Area), the result of a translation of Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin, it mentions that when he came to Aceh, Shaikh Burhanuddin was accompanied by four other people from Minangkabau whom he met on his journey and who wanted to study religion in Aceh. These four men were: Datuk Maruhun Panjang from Padang Ganting, Batusangkar; Shaikh Tarapang from Kubung Tiga Belas Solok; Shaikh Mutanasir from Koto Tangah Padang; and Shaikh Buyung Muda from Bayang Pulut-Pulut Bandar Sepuluh. [15]

Several other sources mention that al-Sinkili had another famous student in the region of Semenanjung Malaysia, Abdul Malik ibn Abdullah (1678-1736 A.D.), who was better known as Tok Pulau Manis from Trengganu. [16] Azra (1994: 211) also mentions the name Tengku Dawud al-Jawi al-Fansuri al-Rumi as the student closest to al-Sinkili. With an excerpt from Hasjmi, Azra explains that Dawud al-Jawi al-Rumi was al-Sinkili‘s prime caliph in Shattariyyah. He, together with al-Sinkili, founded a dayah, a traditional religious educational institution, in Aceh. He also wrote a number of works (Azra 1994: 211).

A more detailed explanation about Tengku Dawud al-Jawi is offered by Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin. According to him, when he, along with Buya Angku Salif and two of his students, made a devotional visit to the grave of Shaikh Abdurrauf al-Sinkili in Aceh, he was given an explanation from Shaikh Ibrahim, caretaker of the grave (kuncen), that Tengku Dawud al-Jawi came from Aceh, specifically from Peunayong. Aside from being his student in Shattariyyah, because of his beautiful writing, Tengku Dawud al-Jawi was entrusted by al-Sinkili to become his personal secretary, with the duty of being the scribe for the works of al-Sinkili. As a result of this duty, Tengku Dawud al-Jawi was given the nickname Baba Dawud. The word “Baba” was taken from the Arabic bab, which means “door”. Thus Tengku Dawud al-Jawi was “the door” to knowledge, whilst his source of knowledge was Shaikh Abdurrauf al-Sinkili himself (Amin 2002: 93-96). After his death, Tengku Dawud al-Jawi was not buried with al-Sinkili in Kuala, but in his hometown, Peunayong.

Along with Tengku Dawud al-Jawi, al-Sinkili chose another student, Shaikh Abdul Wahid, who came from Arabia and who was adopted by al-Sinkili, to help write down several works. If Tengku Dawud al-Jawi was unavailable, then Shaikh Abdul Wahid would take on the responsibilities of being al-Sinkili‘s secretary. Shaikh Abdul Wahid was also employed by al-Sinkili to protect and take care of his surau (traditional Islamic educational institution, similar to pesantren in Java) (Amin 2002: 93). The next student and caliph of al-Sinkili, according to Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin (2002: 98), was a man whose name is inscribed on his gravestone as “Orang Kaya Maharaja Lela” (d. 1702 A.D.). [17] Based on historical notes, in the Islamic kingdom of Aceh since the reign of Sultan Iskandar Muda a position with the title “Orang Kaya Maharaja Srimaharaja”, meaning Prime Minister, existed. [18] The writing on the gravestone mentioned above therefore means that this student of al-Sinkili was an official of the Islamic kingdom of Aceh during that time.

Apparently, this student also had a close and special relationship with al-Sinkili - his grave is in the same gubah (building) as al-Sinkili‘s, along with Shaikh Abdul Wahid‘s, and that of another person mentioned as Fakih Ibrahim. According to Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin, Fakih Ibrahim was a close friend of al-Sinkili who was sentenced to death by the kingdom because he released a fatwa opposing the coronation of Safiatuddin as Sultanah in the kingdom of Aceh. Fakih Ibrahim believed that women had no right to become rulers in an Islamic government (Amin 2002: 92).

Next, Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin mentions a student of al-Sinkili, called Shaikh Da‘im ibn Shaikh Abdullah al-Malik al-Amin, who came from the region of Bugis, South Sulawesi. Apparently, Shaikh Da‘im was also a qadi in the Acehnese kingdom (Amin 2002: 109).

Considering the scholarly reputation of al-Sinkili, and remembering that he had a relatively long life-span, up until the end of the 17th century (1693), it is a fair estimation that, apart from the students of his of whom we are aware, al-Sinkili probably had many other students that were not documented. In Inilah Sejarah Ringkas Auliyaullah al-Salihin Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan yang Mengembangkan Agama Islam di Daerah Minangkabau, for example, it says:

“… at the time it was very crowded with students from the entire land of Java (Indonesia) who demanded knowledge from al-Sinkili. There were also those who came from Melayu (Malaysia)…” (Amin 1993: 21).

One certainty is that from all the students of al-Sinkili, Shaikh Burhanuddin and Shaikh Abdul Muhyi were given authority to continue the silsilah of Shattariyyah, and to develop various teachings, particularly in their homelands – West Sumatra and West Java.

According to Muhaimin (2001), it appears that there was another silsilah of Shattariyyah in West Java aside from the one of Shaikh Abdul Muhyi, one which did not come from the silsilah of Shaikh Abdurrauf al-Sinkili. Muhaimin, for example, offers a silsilah that mentions that the caliph after al-Qushashi was Mulla Ibrahim al-Mu‘alla – possibly meaning Ibrahim al-Kurani. After that, the next caliph is Thahir, then Ibrahim, next was Thahir Madani, then Muhammad Sayyid Madani, and Kyai Asy‘ari, and finally Muhammad Anwaruddin Kriyani (Ki Buyut Kriyan). Unfortunately, Muhaimin doesn‘t mention the sources to support the “Cirebon version” of the silsilah. In a different section Muhaimin mentions that Shattariyyah was brought to the Malay-Indonesian region by Shaikh Abdurrauf al-Sinkili, who taught the prominent student Shaikh Abdul Muhyi Pamijahan (Muhaimin 2001: 339-341). In most Shattariyyah manuscripts in Javanese and Sundanese, the silsilah that mention him always relate Shaikh Abdul Muhyi to Abdurrauf al-Sinkili, whilst the names mentioned in the Cirebon version of the silsilah never appear. [19]

Abdurrauf al-Sinkili emerges as the central figure in this Malay-Indonesian context, although he did not diminish the influence of al-Qushashi. Al-Sinkili himself was strongly influenced by al-Qushashi, and thus in one of his works, Tanbih al-Mashi, Shattariyyah order is also called Qushashiyyah order. The complete title of this work is Tanbih al-Mashi al-Mansub ila Tariq al-Qushashi (Manual for Those Who Follow the al-Qushashi Order).

Azra (1994: 209) points out that the name “al-Qushashi”, or “Qushashiyyah”, was different from the name of the Shattariyyah order that had been revived. It was a unique phenomenon in Malay-Indonesia, as it was probably an effort of al-Sinkili to separate it from the image of the earlier Shattariyyah order (in particular the one developed in India, which was often considered to be too syncretic) and more closely identify this tariqah with al-Qushashi. [20]

Al-Sinkili was apparently convinced that al-Qushashi – along with al-Shinawi in Haramayn – had already provided a re-orientation for Shattariyyah, and it‘s renewal meant it became an “orthodox tariqah” that could more easily be accepted in various circles, including those who often opposed the beliefs and rituals of tariqah (Archer 1937: 90-93).

The Development and Silsilah of the Shattariyyah Order in West Sumatra

Some academics believe that Islam was first introduced to West Sumatra by Shaikh Burhanuddin (see, amongst others, Arnold 1913: 366; al-Attas 1969: 11). According to Arnold and al-Attas, Shaikh Burhanuddin, as well as being a student of Shaikh Abdurrauf al-Sinkili, was a student of ‘Abd Allah ‘Arif, an Arabic nomad who brought Islam to North Sumatra in approximately 506 H/1112 A.D. However, as argued by Azra (1988: 12), this opinion is difficult to accept, not only because there is no historical data to support it, but also because Shaikh Burhanuddin is thought to have lived from the mid 17th century until the early 18th century, a period quite different from that of Shaikh ‘Abd Allah ‘Arif (Daya 1990: 35).

Other sources argue that Islam arrived in West Sumatra in the first century Hijriyah (7th and 8th centuries A.D), well before the birth of Shaikh Burhanuddin, by means of unknown Muslim traders, and that Shaikh Burhanuddin was “only” a prominent preacher in the seventeenth century, not the person responsible for the emergence of Islam in West Java (Boestami et al, 1981: 3).

It is important to note that the name Shaikh Burhanuddin appears to refer not only to the prominent ‘ulama‘ of Shattariyyah, who was a student of Shaikh Abdurrauf al-Sinkili and who later became the central figure in Ulakan. According to Mahmud Yunus (1979:20-21), in West Sumatra there were at least two people called Shaikh Burhanuddin: the first is considered to be the first person to bring Islam to the area. Early on he taught at Batu Hampar, then he moved to Kumpulan, near Bonjol, later teaching again at Ulakan, Pariaman and finally settling at Kuntu, Kampar Kiri, until his death in approximately 1411 A.D. He was known as Shaikh Burhanuddin Kuntu (see also Abdulah 1999: 36-37).

Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin notes in Risalat Mizan al-Qalb that Shaikh Burhanuddin was in fact a merchant who arrived with a group of traders in 814 H/1411 A.D. From early on he developed Islam in the Siak area, before settling in Kuntu, Kampar Kiri, where he taught until his death in 839 H/1435 A.D., and is thus known as Shaikh Burhanuddin Kuntu. His proselytizing apparently reached Indragiri, Riau, and he also preached at the Pagaruyung palace (Risalat Mizan al-Qalb, pp. 153-154). However, according to information in several manuscripts, the dates provided by Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin are often far earlier than those given by other historians. It is important to note in this instance that Islam had already spread to Minangkabau in around the early fifteenth century.

The second person with the name Shaikh Burhanuddin was a Minangkabau ‘ulama‘, who later became an eminent Shattariyyah caliph in Ulakan, Pariaman, and thus went by the name Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan. The work Inilah Sejarah Ringkas… states that when he was young, Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan, who is believed to have been born in approximately 1056 H/1646 A.D., was known as Pono. He was born in Priangan, Padang Panjang, believed to be the original Minangkabau area, before moving to Sintuk, Lubuk Alung, Pariaman, with his family. His father, Pampak, was of Koto descent, whereas his mother, Nili, was a Guci. Before studying under Shaikh Abdurrauf al-Sinkili in Aceh, Pono apparently studied under Shaikh ‘Abd Allah ‘Arif in the village of Tapakis. Shaikh ‘Abd Allah ‘Arif was an Arabic nomad who was also a student of Shaikh Ahmad al-Qushashi in Medina, and as a result was known as Shaikh Madinah (Amin 1993: 10; Hamka 1974: 149; see also Daya 1990:179). After Shaikh ‘Abd Allah ‘Arif passed away, Pono, in accordance with his teacher‘s suggestion, left for Aceh to study with Shaikh Abdurrauf al-Sinkili. From al-Sinkili Pono took his new name, Burhanuddin (Amin 1993: 19).

Local sources depict a special relationship between Burhanuddin Ulakan and al-Sinkili. Burhanuddin was loyal and respectful towards al-Sinkili in exactly the same way that al-Sinkili was loyal towards his teacher, al-Qushashi:

“the behaviour and courtesy of Burhanuddin towards his teacher Shaikh Abdurrauf in his pursuit of knowledge was no different from the behaviour of Shaikh Abdurrauf towards his teacher, Shaikh Ahmad al-Qushashi. This behaviour was carried from the house to the classroom, and then into the mosque. Aside from supporting his teacher, Burhanuddin also tended to Shaikh Abdurrauf‘s cattle and goats everyday, and dug fishponds around the mosque…” (Amin 1993; Ronkel 1914).

It is not clear how long Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan studied under Shaikh Abdurrauf al-Sinkili. Several sources mention that Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan studied in Aceh for 13 years. [21] However, local sources indicate that he studied there for 30 years. [22]

Thus, it is not easy to confirm which is closest to the correct figure, particularly because several dates mentioned in the local documents do not agree with other historical sources. Inilah Sejarah Ringkas…, tells the story of the arrival of Shaikh Burhanuddin and four of his friends:

“…after a safe journey they arrived in Sinkil. After arriving in Sinkil they received information that Shaikh Abdurrauf was already teaching in Sinkil and had been for a year, that is, from the year 1039 H…”(Amin 1993: 19).

The above excerpt indicates that al-Sinkili returned from Haramayn in 1039 H/1629 A.D., although other sources mention that he returned in 1072 H /1661 A.D., one year after the death of his teacher al-Qushashi (Rinkes 1909; Voorhoeve 1980; Azra 1994). It is also doubtful that Shaikh Burhanuddin returned to Minangkabau in 1070 H/1659 A.D. (Amin 1993: 37). This information can clearly be questioned if it is confirmed that al-Sinkili returned in 1072 H/1661 A.D., as mentioned above.

In fact, if we disregard the mention of the year 1039 H/1629 A.D. in the extract above, and instead pay attention to the sentence “…they received information that Shaikh Abdurrauf was already teaching in Sinkil and had been for a year…”, then – assuming that al-Sinkili arrived in Aceh from Haramayn in 1072 H/1661 A.D. – Shaikh Burhanuddin started studying with al-Sinkili in 1073 H/1662 A.D.. We should probably take into account that Burhanuddin Daya mentions that Shaikh Burhanuddin founded his first surau in 1680 A.D. (Daya 1990: 79). This leaves a stretch of 18 years from Shaikh Burhanuddin‘s departure to Aceh. As mentioned previously, it is not easy to verify the exact time period that Shaikh Burhanuddin studied with al-Sinkili, but we can make a good estimate that it was for less than 30 years.

Although there are a few uncertainties in the story of his life and education, it is undoubtable that Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan played an central role in the process of Islamisation in Minangkabau. Soon after returning to his birthplace, Shaikh Burhanuddin founded the Shattariyyah surau, a traditional ribat educational institution, in Tanjung Medan, which soon became famous as one of, if not the only, centre of Islamic knowledge in the region. [23] This surau of Shaikh Burhanuddin was originally named “Surau Batang Jelatang” and is nowadays known as “Surau Gadang” (Yafas et al. 1984: 129).

Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan‘s students came from all over the region. Many of them became caliphs of Shattariyyah, and spread its teachings in a number of villages where they established their own suraus.

Amongst Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan‘s students were four people with whom he had become friends whilst studying under Shaikh Abdurrauf al-Sinkili in Aceh. When Shaikh Burhanuddin was given permission by al-Sinkili to return home, his four friends also asked for permission from al-Sinkili to accompany Shaikh Burhanuddin. Al-Sinkili denied them permission because they were not yet considered to have “graduated”, and had yet to finish their studies. However, the four friends insisted on leaving, and they departed without receiving the blessings of al-Sinkili.

Next, these four friends of Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan tried to disseminate Islamic teachings to people in various villages: Datuk Maruhun Panjang tried in Padang Ganting Batusangkar, Shaikh Tarapang in Kubung Tiga Belas Solok, Shaikh Mutanasir in Koto Tangah Padang, and Shaikh Buyung Muda in Bayang Pulut-pulut Bandar Sepuluh. They were not welcomed in the manner in which they should have been as murshid, and they were in fact hated by a large proportion of the communities. In Inilah Sejarah Ringkas…, it says:

“…before they had completed their studies they returned home and then tried to spread Islam in their respective villages. They did not like to be accompanied, so most people hated listening to what they had to say, and hated the sight of them…” (Amin 1993: 54; see also Amin, Sejarah Ringkas Syaikh Surau Baru, h. 13 ).

At the same time, these four people, when recognised as friends of Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan, were given a large and respectable reception from the community at Tanjung Medan and from several other communities in Minangkabau:

“it was crowded with people who kept coming from villages throughout Minangkabau. It was not just young people who came, there were also older people and women…”(Amin 1993: 53-54).

The four friends of Shaikh Burhanuddin eventually decided to return to Aceh in order to complete their studies with Shaikh Abdurrauf al-Sinkili. However, on arrival in Aceh, al-Sinkili asked that they continue their studies as students of Shaikh Burhanuddin at Surau Tanjung Medan. Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan then received them as students and also as assistants to teach the Shattariyyah style of Islam (Amin, Sejarah Ringkas, p. 15).

Because Shaikh Burhanuddin was already there, these four friends did not stay in Tanjung Medan, but were given a separate place to stay and teach. This place became known as Ulakan, and was where Shaikh Burhanuddin was buried in 1111 H/1699 A.D., a few years after the death of Shaikh Abdurrauf al-Sinkili in Aceh (Abdullah 1980: 57).

Due to his important role in teaching Islam, Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan was widely considered to be the most important ‘ulama‘ in Minangkabau towards the end of the seventeenth century. Almost all the ‘ulama‘ in Minangkabau, including those of different opinions, those who chose a different tariqah from Shattariyyah, and those from subsequent generations, all studied under Shaikh Burhanuddin.

Amongst Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan‘s students was an ‘ulama‘ in Padang Darat called Tuanku Nan Tuo Mansiangan. He was a teacher of Tuanku Nan Tuo in Cangking, Ampek Angkek, who chose to develop Naqshbandiyyah and became a rival of Shattariyyah in Ulakan. [24] As far as the history of Islam in Minangkabau is concerned, “Tarekat Ulakan” (Shattariyyah) and “Tarekat Cangking” (Naqshbandiyyah) were involved in violent conflict, vehement enough to give the impression that there were two types of Islam in Minangkabau: “Islam Ulakan” and “Islam Cangking”. [25] However, whatever the background of this conflict, both sides developed from the knowledge provided by Shaikh Burhanuddin.

Although Tuanku Nan Tuo chose to develop Naqshbandiyyah in Cangking, he, along with other ‘ulama‘ from Shattariyyah, was active in campaigning for a reconciliation between the teachings of tasawwuf and shari‘ah. As a result of his surau in Cangking, Ampat Angkat, Tuanku Nan Tuo became famous as an ‘ulama‘ of tasawwuf and shari‘ah. Due to his expertise in these two aspects of Islam, Tuanku Nan Tuo is described in Hikayat Jalaluddin as “Sultan Alim Auliya Allah”, who became a leader for all of Minangkabau ‘ulama‘s affiliated to ahl al-sunnah wa al-jama‘ah. [26] Furthermore, Tuanku Nan Tuo‘s struggle was continued by one of his students, Fakih Shagir Jalaluddin, who wrote the text Hikayat Jalaluddin.

Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan‘s Islamic teachings, through his Sufi order, Shattariyyah, appeared to be easily received by a large section of Minangkabau society. This is highly possible because the preaching of Sufism emphasised the importance of spiritual purification (tahdhib alnafs), rather than focusing on the practices and rituals of shari‘ah. Therefore, in regions where Sufism emerged it was not usually strongly rejected by the communities. [27] Furthermore, in Sufi orders like Shattariyyah, there are silsilah traditions reaching back to the Prophet Muhammad, with various teachings believed to have been passed down through a succession of trustworthy students and teachers.

In West Sumatra during this time – in the same manner as with Sufi order in other regions – silsilah binds became just one of the conditions if someone wished to be acknowledged as a murshid. Other conditions included: being given permission (ijazah) by their caliphs, obedience towards Allah in both the internal and external aspects of life, as well as patience and diligence in reciting the Qur‘an. [28] This silsilah linking members of the Shattariyyah order in West Sumatra with their teachers, right back to the Prophet, reassured people that the Islamic teachings of Shaikh Burhanuddin were authentic. People in Minangkabau were convinced that because Shattariyyah came from the Prophet, to deny it would be to deny the Prophet himself (Daya 1990: 177).

The development of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra needs to be considered in relation to the surau, which played an important role in the process of transmitting Islamic knowledge. [29] Shaikh Burhanuddin – and the caliphs who came after him – made use of the local surau institutions, which functioned as a place to stay for young men from Minangkabau who had come of age. These surau institutions were built away from their family homes, which in turn became place for women and children to live (Dobbin 1992: 142). Although they no longer function as centres of Islamic knowledge as they did during the period of their development, hundreds of surau can still be found in West Sumatra. A large number of religious books, both handwritten manuscripts and printed copies, can be found there, particularly at the old surau that were the foundation of tariqah.

The caliphs of Shattariyyah that came from these suraus, starting with Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan and followed by his students from throughout West Sumatra, developed a network of teachers and students who created a complex interrelationship of knowledge, involving many local ‘ulama‘. I have tried to reconstruct the silsilah of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra based on several documents and lists of the silsilah written by local ‘ulama‘. It is important for me to point out that unfortunately a large number of the sources do not mention the names of the ‘ulama‘, and it is thus quite difficult to test the validity of these student-teacher relationships.

There were many caliphs of Shattariyyah after Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan, and it is thus not surprising that the silsilah developed by various different means. As well as this, local sources refer to several consecutive caliphs that are quite different from one another (Yafas et al. 1984: 130). Several of the caliphs of Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan – as mentioned in the text Muballigul Islam (p. 216-218) – continued in his style of leadership at the Surau Tanjung Medan in Ulakan. They were:

Shaikh Abdurrahman as the first caliph, then followed in succession by:

Shaikh Khairuddin;

Shaikh Jalaluddin;

Shaikh Idris, who was also a close friend of Shaikh Burhanuddin himself when studying with Shaikh Madinah in Air Sirah Tapakis;

Shaikh Abdul Muhsin, also known as Tuanku Tapi Pasang who lived in Surau Tangah Padang;

Shaikh Habibullah. During this period in Tanjung Medan Ulakan there were three caliphs who became leaders at Surau Tanjung Medan, namely Shaikh Habibullah; Shaikh Khalidin, who was known as Tuanku nan Hitam; and Tuanku Fakih Mansur. These three ‘ulama‘ were direct students of Shaikh Abdul Muhson;

Shaikh Ahmad Qasim;

Tuanku Tibaru nan Tuo;

Shaikh Abdul Jalil, grandson of Tuanku Tibaru nan Tuo.

The selection and sequence of the caliphs of Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan above is slightly different from the list given in a small book titled Petunjuk Ziarah ke Maqam Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan (Guide to the Pilgrimage to Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan‘s Grave), compiled by Yayasan Raudhatul Hikmah Jakarta. The book – which also contains information about the leadership period of various caliphs – presents the Shaikh Burhanuddin caliphate leadership in Ulakan as:

Shaikh Muhammad Idris bin Salim, a caliph from 1699 A.D. until 1714 A.D.;

Shaikh Abdurrahman bin Abdurrahim (1714 A.D.- 1724 A.D.);

Shaikh Kaharuddin (1724 A.D.-1733 A.D.) (written as Shaikh Khairuddin in the list above);

Shaikh Jalaluddin (1733 A.D.- 1748 A.D.);

Shaikh Abdul Muhsin Tuanku Faqih (1748 A.D.- 1766 A.D.);

Shaikh Abdul Hasan bin Husin (1766 A.D.- 1780 A.D.);

Shaikh Khaliluddin bin Khalid (1780 A.D.- 1796 A.D.);

Shaikh Habibullah bin Alif (1796 A.D.- 1815 A.D.);

Shaikh Tuanku Qusha‘i (1815 A.D.- 1832 A.D.)

Shaikh Tuanku Ja‘far bin Muhammad (1832 A.D.-1863 A.D.);

Shaikh Tuanku Muhammad Sani (1863 A.D.-1893 A.D.);

Shaikh Tuanku Busai (1893 A.D.-1948 A.D.);

Shaikh Tuanku Barmawi (from 1948 A.D.).

Aside from the sources above, there is also a list of followers of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra compiled by three ‘ulama‘s of Shattariyyah: Buya Mata Air Pakandangan, Buya Angku Pakandangan and Buya Tapakis. In this list it becomes clear that amongst the students of Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan credited with the development of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra are four caliphs: Shaikh Janggut hitam Lubuk Ipuh, Shaikh Abdurrahman Ulakan, Shaikh Kapih-Kapih Paninjauan Padang Panjang, and Shaikh Mula Ibrahim Lunang Pesisir Selatan. [30]

Thanks to the first caliph mentioned above, Shaikh Janggut Hitam, another caliph of Shattariyyah called Shaikh Abdurrahman Lubuk Ipuh emerged, and halted the relay of the caliphate with Shaikh Malalo Lima Puluh. [31] Starting from Shaikh Malalo Lima Puluh, the silsilah of Shattariyyah became complex with the opinions of, amongst others, four caliphs called Shaikh Mata Air Pakandangan, Shaikh Balindung Pilubang, Shaikh Cubadak Air Pariaman, and Shaikh Aluma Koto Tuo Bukit Tinggi.

The first student of Shaikh Malalo Lima Puluh, Shaikh Mata Air Pakandangan, taught a student called Shaikh Kamumuwan, a teacher of Buya Angku Pakandangan, one of the ‘ulama‘ that compiled this list. Shaikh Malalo Lima Puluh‘s second student, Shaikh Balindung Pilubang, also produced a caliph called Shaikh Talang Koto Bangku, who in turn taught Shaikh Kubung Sungai Ranti. In one of the copies of the silsilah that is different to this one, the relationship between Shaikh Talang Koto Bangku and Shaikh Kubung Sungai Ranti is not a student-teacher relationship, instead they were said to be friends who were both taught by Shaikh Balindung Pilubang. This is a possibility, as it was not uncommon for friends to be taught at the one institution. Shaikh Malalo‘s third student, Shaikh Cubadak Air Pariaman, is not known to have chosen a replacement caliph.

Shaikh Malalo‘s fourth student, Shaikh Aluma Koto Tuo Bukit Tinggi, also played an important role in the development of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra. He was the caliph considered responsible for the area of Koto Tuo Bukit Tinggi becoming one of the most important centres of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra. The known students of Shaikh Aluma Koto Tuo include Shaikh H. Ismail Kiambang (d. 1965), Buya Angku Panjang Sungai Sarik, Angku Paingan Sungai Limo, and Angku Talawi. As well as studying at the same institution, Shaikh H. Ismail Kiambang and Angku Talawu had a family connection, as Angku Talawi married Shaikh H. Ismail Kiambang‘s daughter.

In the early 1950s Angku Talawi was asked by followers of Shattariyyah in Batang Kabung to help teach at several of their suraus. At the time Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin was teaching at Batang Kabung and surrounding suraus. Around the time of the general election in 1955 – when various parties were campaigning incessantly in order to build support – tension emerged between students of Angku Talawi and students of Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin as a result of their choosing different parties (Amin 2002: 47-57). [32] Angku Talawi joined the Partai Islam Indonesia (PII – Indonesian Islamic Party), whilst Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin became a member of the opposing PERTI. Aside from the issues resulting from them choosing different parties, the tension was also apparently because Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin would not accept the accusation by Angku Talawi that he was a Muhammadiyah (one of the biggest Islamic organisations in Indonesia) supporter, even though his father was one of the leaders of the group.

Shaikh H. Ismail Kiambang, aside from being a student of Shaikh Aluma Koto Tuo, also studied Sufism under Tuanku Bintungan Tinggi. Amongst the students of Shaikh H. Ismail Kiambang was Buya Abdurrazak Mata Air Pakandangan, one of the compilers of the silsilah, Buya Surau Yubadak Sungai Asam, and Tuanku Ali Umar Kiambang. The latter is an ‘ulama‘ who developed Shattariyyah in the Bungus region.

Buya Abdurrazak Mata Air Pakandangan had a son called Haji Tuanku Sinaro Paneh Pakandangan who later – along with Buya Ansaruddin – became a leader of the Pesantren Darul Ulum Kampung Panas Pakandangan, Kecamatan 2 x 11 Enam Lingkung Kabupaten Padang Pariaman (Viviani 1990/1991). Although his father had already attained the position of a Shattariyyah caliph, Haji Tuanku Sinaro decided to study Sufism under a different teacher, Tuanku Haji Musa (a student of Shaikh Aluma Koto Tuo), at Surau Kabun Tapakis Ulakan. At the Pesantren Darul Ulum where he was a leader, Haji Tuanku Sinaro also had several students, including Tuanku Basril Pakih Batuah and Akhalis Malin Saidi, who in around 1989 began to expand Shattariyyah in Kenegerian Surian, Pantai Cermin, Solok (Amiruddin 1994: 58-59).

Another student of Shaikh Koto Tuo Bukit Tinggi, called Angku Panjang Sungai Sarik, oversaw the emergence of two caliphs, Buya Tapakis, one of the authors of this silsilah, and Buya Angku Sidi Batang Cino. Thus the silsilah of the Shattariyyah caliphate in West Sumatra occurred by means of a caliph of Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan, known as Shaikh Janggut Hitam Lubuk Ipuh.

The silsilah of Shattariyyah via another caliphate of Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan is no less complex. Shaikh Abdurrahman Ulakan, for example, produced two caliphs, Shaikh Abdul Muhsin Ulakan and Shaikh Sultan al-Kisai ibn Habibullah Ulakan. Later, Shaikh Sultan al-Kisai ibn Habibullah Ulakan played an important role in the dissemination of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra, as several of his students developed Shattariyyah in various corners of Minangkabau.

According to the texts consulted, Shaikh Sultan al-Kisai ibn Habibullah Ulakan had at least five eminent students: the first was Shaikh Abdul Wahab Calu Sijunjung, the teacher of Shaikh Supayang Solok. In the text Risalat Mizan al-Qalb, Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin provides some information about the identity of Shaikh Abdul Wahab Calu Sijunjung. He apparently came from the Awur region, and as well as being a student of Shaikh Sultan al-Kisai ibn Habibullah Ulakan was also at one stage a student of Shaikh Abdul Muhsin Ulakan, the teacher of Shaikh Sultan al-Kisai ibn Habibullah Ulakan himself. On completion of his studies, Shaikh Abdul Wahab was assigned a task by his teacher to develop Shattariyyah in Desa Calu, Sijunjung, and is recognized as Angku Shaikh Calu, or Inyak Calu. Shaikh Abdul Wahab died and was buried in Calu. His grave is still often visited, particularly by groups of followers of Shattariyyah from throughout Minangkabau (Amin 1989:70-71).

Shaikh Sultan al-Kisai ibn Habibullah Ulakan‘s second student was Shaikh Talawi Padang Ganting, who then produced two important students: Angku Koto Tujoh and Angku Ampalu Tinggi. Angku Koto Tujuh handed down the Shattariyyah caliphate to Angku Lubuk Puar. Angku Ampalu Tinggi – whose original name was Shaikh Haji Ibrahim – produced no fewer that four prominent students: Buya Sasak, Angku Sidi Talawi Sampan, Buya Angku Salif Kiramat, and Shaikh Muhammad Nur, who was known as Shaikh Tuanku Kalumbuk (1894-1979 A.D.). [33] Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin is also reported to have studied under Shaikh Haji Ibrahim in the early 1940s, when Shaikh Haji Ibrahim was teaching in Batang Kabung, before he came a caliph of Shattariyyah in Ampalu Tinggi (Amin 2002:3). It is important to note that in around 1955, thanks to a request from Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin and the blessings of Angku Ampalu Tinggi, Buya Angku Salif – often called Tuanku Sutan Guru Besar – who was teaching at Surau Batang Kabung, became an ‘ulama‘ of Shattariyyah in the aforementioned area, and in 1966 founded the PERTI school with Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin (Amin 2002: 45-47).

Whilst on the subject of Shaikh Sultan al-Kisai ibn Habibullah Ulakan, it is important to point out that in Sejarah Ringkas Shaikh Paseban al-Syattari (A Short History of Shaikh Paseban al-Syattari) (p. 5), written by Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin, Shaikh Paseban (an eminent figure in Shattariyyah from Koto Panjang, Koto Tangah, Padang, who was teacher of Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin) is mentioned as first studying Shattariyyah from a teacher called Shaikh Habibullah, the sixth caliph of Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan.

Based on the available data and the inclusion of “Habibullah” in the surname of Shaikh Sultan al-Kisai above, I assume that the Shaikh Habibullah who became the teacher of Shaikh Paseban was a descendant of Shaikh Sultan al-Kisai ibn Habibullah Ulakan. [34] Aside from studying under Shaikh Habibullah, Shaikh Paseban (d. 1356 H/1937 A.D.) also studied, though only briefly, under Shaikh Malalo Lima Puluh, whose silsilah is noted below. Shaikh Paseban did not received his ijazah to teach Shattariyyah from these two teachers, but from his next teacher, Angku Shaikh Padang Ganting, the teacher of Angku Surau Gadang Pakadangan (Amin 2001: 7-9).

Shaikh Paseban is known to have had several students who took their oath from him, such as Angku Fakih Lutan and Angku Inyik Adam from Koto Tangah, Angku Haji Abdul Majid from Paseban, Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin from Batang Kabung, Angku Qadi Talang from Solok, Angku Shaikh Datuk from Lumindai, Angku Surau Gadang from Tanjung Medan Ulakan, Angku Ibrahim from Mudik Padang, and others (Amin 2001: 45). Amongst the students mentioned, three were appointed as caliphs, namely Angku Fakih Lutan, Angku Inyik Adam, and Angku Haji Abdul Majid. [35] Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin explains in his autobiography that apart from being his classmate, Angku Fakih Lutan was also his teacher, especially in the field of Qira‘ah (recitation of the Qur‘an). Apart from studying under Fakih Lutan, Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin also claims to have studied under a female teacher, Sari Makkah, for six months in Muara Penjalinan (Amin 2002: 2). [36]

Shaikh Sultan al-Kisai ibn Habibullah Ulakan‘s third student was Shaikh Surau Panjang Kaman Gadang, his fourth student was Shaikh Joro Limo Purut, and his fifth student was Shaikh Muhammad Sani Tanjung Medan. Shaikh Sultan al-Kisai ibn Habibullah Ulakan‘s fifth student in turn produced three eminent students, Shaikh Surau Gadang Koto Tinggi, Shaikh Bintungan Tinggi, and Shaikh Kapalu Koto.

On account of Shaikh Bintungan Tinggi, Shattariyyah was also disseminated in the area of Bungus Taluk Kabung from the end of the 19th century because one of his students, Tuanku Khatib Simpang Tigo (d. 1961) came from this region, from Koto Hilalang, Bungus to be exact. Therefore, Tuanku Khatib Simpang Tigo is noted for developing Shattariyyah in Bungus, along with Tuanku Ali Umar Kiambang. Apart from being a student of Shaikh Bintungan Tinggi in Pariaman, Tuanku Khatib Simpang Tigo also studied in Sumpur Malalo Padang Panjang.

In Bungus, Tuanku Khatib Simpang Tigo also produced two caliphs of Shattariyyah, Tuanku M. Husin and Tuanku Khatib Tamar, along with several other students who were not allowed to take the title of “caliph”, such as Buya Malin Putih, Buya Mamad, Imam Burhan, Angku Khariman, and Tuanku Siaruddin. Although they never took the title of caliph, these students played an important role in the development of Shattariyyahbecause they owned surau in various regions (Firdaus et al. 1999/2000: 20- 31). This is how the silsilah of Shattariyyah took place via Shaikh Abdurrahman Ulakan.

In the silsilah of Shaikh Kapih-Kapih Paninjauan Padang Panjang four students are known: Shaikh Pamansiangan Koto Lawas, who also had a student called Shaikh Usman from Panyalaian, Lubuk Puar Pariaman who spread Shattariyyah in Ampalu Tinggi, Padang Pariaman (Nur 1995: 4); Shaikh Nan Tuo Koto Tuo, a Shattariyyah ‘ulama‘ who was known as an expert in the field of nahw (Arabic grammar); Tuanku di Lembah; and Tuanku di Puar. [37] In the silsilah of Shaikh Mula Ibrahim Lunang Pesisir Selatan, none of the students listed in the silsilah of Buya Mata Air Pakandangan and the two other ‘ulama‘ are mentioned. A local source indicates that an ‘ulama‘ other than Shaikh Mula Ibrahim developed Shattariyyah in the Pesisir Selatan region. Hermarosrita (1994:45-46) notes that in Dusun Lereng Bukit, Shattariyyah flourished thanks to Tuanku Labai Kunud, who once studied under Sidi Jaul in Batang Kabung. Sidi Jaul is purportedly a direct student of Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan. From Tuanku Labai Kunud, the silsilah of Shattariyyah is linked to Baharuddin Imam Mandaro, then Imam Suar, and finally with Khatib Nusi.

Aside from being passed down via the four students of Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan as mentioned in the genealogy above, the Shattariyyah order was also developed in West Sumatra by four students of Shaikh Burhanuddin who became friends when they studied with Shaikh Abdurrauf al-Sinkili in Aceh. These students were Datuk Maruhun Panjang from Padang Ganting Batusangkar; Shaikh Tarapang from Kubung Tiga Belas Solok; Shaikh Mutanasir from Koto Tangah Padang; and Shaikh Buyung Muda from Bayang Pulut-Pulut Bandar Sepuluh.

Unfortunately, there is little information in any manuscripts relating to the silsilah of Shattariyyah through these four students. We do know, however, that Shaikh Mutanasir, after returning to his village in Koto Panjang, Koto Tangah, Padang, was known as Shaikh Surau Baru, due to his building the first surau in this area (Amin, Sejarah Ringkas, p. 16). He was very productive in spreading Islam in Koto Tangah, Pauh, Lubuk Bagalung, and Padang. Shaikh Surau Baru owned a large collection of manuscripts and proportion of these manuscripts were copied by Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin, a Shattariyyah teacher who was a prolific writer and copied many books by hand.

One of Shaikh Surau Baru‘s students was Fakih Muda from Kampung Jambak Koto Panjang, Koto Tengah. After finishing his studies under Shaikh Surau Baru, Fakih Muda oversaw the development of Shattariyyah in the Pauh region, more precisely in Kampung Gua Balimbing Pauh Sembilan, in Negeri Nan Dua Puluh (Lubuk Bagalung), and in the town of Padang.

Apart from being known as a teacher of Shattariyyah, Fakih Muda is also renowned as a leader of a resistance movement against Dutch colonisers in Pauh in the early 18th century that eventually resulted in his death. At the time Fakih Muda was assisted by three friends, Datuk Rajo Basari from the Caniago tribe, Kampung Kurung Gadang; Datuk Raja Putih from the Malayu tribe, Pauh Lima; and Datuk Rajo Bugaga from the Jambak tribe, Kampung Kuranji. [38]

The activities of Fakih Muda whilst he was a leader in the struggle against Dutch colonialism eventually resulted in the arrest of Shaikh Surau Baru by the Dutch colonial government. They reasoned that his arrest would result in his militant students, such as Fakih Muda, putting themselves at risk. Initially Shaikh Surau Baru was detained in Muara Penjalinan, before eventually being moved to a Dutch jail in Padang, where he died (Amin, Sejarah Ringkas: pp. 47-48).

Another student of Shaikh Surau Baru called Shaikh Bawah Asam also became a caliph of Shattariyyah. Apparently, around the time of his death Shaikh Bawah Asam indicated that Shaikh Paseban al-Syattari — who was visiting his mother at the time — should become a caliph of Shattariyyah. However, because Shaikh Paseban was still very young, only around 4 years old, the caliphate was instead given to Angku Mirad (Amin 2001: 24).

Shaikh Paseban was given his ijazah of Shattariyyah by Angku Shaikh Padang Ganting. Despite of this, Shaikh Paseban had a huge respect for Shaikh Bawah Asam and his teacher, Shaikh Surau Baru, and thus maintained a routine of devotional visits to both their graves in Batusingka.

Thus, via a complex series of student-teacher relationships, the Shattariyyah order was spread to various corners of West Sumatra, and was then further developed with the emergence of hundreds, or possibly thousands, of surau as the foundation of studying Islam, in particular Sufism. I am sure that the names recorded in the above silsilah only constitute a small part of the total number of students and teachers, as it is more a bibliography and “only” the basis for manuscripts. The Shattariyyah order has now developed further, and thus the teacherstudent relationships are even more complex. Several research papers prepared by academics at IAIN Imam Bonjol Padang, including Arief (1982/1983), Yafas (1990), Bakry (2000) etc., often contain the names of current Shattariyyah teachers in particular areas that have become objects of study. However, the silsilah is rarely fully investigated back to the early Shattariyyah teachers, as not all of the teachers are listed and possibly because it was too long ago.

It is important to note that alongside the spread of Islam via the surau, a tradition of writing religious manuscripts, inseparable from the process of studying and teaching, thrived. In contrast with other regions, the tradition of writing religious manuscripts is still being continued in West Sumatra, and often uses the Jawi script (writing Malay with Arabic letters) as its medium. A large number of the manuscripts that were important sources for this article were written in early 2000.

The process of Islamisation, and in particular the increase in the intensity of the development of Islam in West Sumatra, cannot be separated from Sufi orders (tariqah), in this case The Shattariyyah order, which was established as an institution in the early 17th century. It is not surprising that most regions in West Sumatra still have a basis in some Sufi orders, such as Shattariyyah, Naqshbandiyyah and Sammaniyyah. In a table created by Martin van Bruinessen (1996: 133), it appears that the strongest sites of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra are in Padang Pariaman and Tanah Datar, followed by Agam, Solok, Sawah Lunto Sijunjung, Pasaman and Pesisir Selatan. [39] Thus, the spread of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra starts at the coast and continues to the districts (“Luhak nan Tigo”) of Luhak Tanah Datar, Luhak Agam and Luhak Lima Puluh Koto.

Shattariyyah, Naqshbandiyyah and the Kaum Mudo Movement in West Sumatra

Several academics are convinced that Shattariyyah was not the first Sufi order to enter West Sumatra, as Naqshbandiyyah was possibly brought to the region in the first half of the 17th century (Dobbin 1992: 146). However, Schrieke (1973: 28) indicates that Naqshbandiyyah only entered West Sumatra in the 1850s. This is backed up by other academics such as Martin van Bruinessen (1996: 124) and Karel A. Steenbrink (1984: 178).

If the opinion of the academics mentioned above is correct, then Shattariyyah certainly arrived in West Sumatra far earlier, as several local sources mention that Shattariyyah had already arrived in West Sumatra by the end of the 17th century, when Shaikh Burhanuddin returned from Aceh after having studied with Abdurrauf al-Sinkili (see, amongst others, Amin 1993: 37).

Local manuscripts argue that Shattariyyah was the first type of Sufi order in West Sumatra. The manuscript Kitab Menerangkan Agama Islam di Minangkabau (Kitab Explaining Islam in Minangkabau), for example, argues that Shaikh Burhanuddin brought Shattariyyah to the region in 1070 H/1659 A.D. At the time, as explained in this document, there was only one type of Islam in Minangkabau:

“…the Islamic school of thought of Imam Shafi‘i, and the conviction and faith ahl al-sunnah wa al-jama‘ah, was based on the mysticism of Shattariyyah …”(h. 73).

Naqshbandiyyah only arrived approximately 127 years later. If the calculation starts with the arrival of Shaikh Burhanuddin as mentioned above, then this means that Naqshbandiyyah entered West Sumatra in around 1786. In Kitab Menerangkan… it states that:

“…one hundred and twenty-seven years later Naqshbandi arrived. It involved chanting Allah Allah as a profession of faith, having a charitable nature, and there were students who turned their faces to God (bertawajjuh) after sunset prayer and retreated from society for four days. It was brought there by an ‘ulama‘ who taught at kampung Cangking Koto Candung Ampat Angkat, which was made famous by Tuan Shaikh Cangking (Shaikh Koto Tuo), whose calculations were two days earlier than the calculations according to the calendar brought by Shaikh Burhanuddin” (p. 73)

Although we do not know the exact year, we can assume that Shattariyyah arrived in West Sumatra earlier than Naqshbandiyyah. This can be seen from the local sources written by the Shattariyyah ‘ulama‘ in West Sumatra who take on the character of being the “enduring” side in the face of the introduction of views and rituals of Naqshbandiyyah, which was considered to be quite different from those of Shattariyyah and was seen to threaten the influence of the Shattariyyah ‘ulama‘ over the local population.

As argued by Schrieke (1973: 25), in the early 19th century the tension between Shattariyyah and Naqshbandiyyah was unavoidable. In fact, tension between the two sides was a factor in the emergence of conflict in West Sumatra, alongside other factors such as the disagreement between the young ‘ulama‘ (Kaum Mudo) and old ‘ulama‘ (Kaum Tuo). Dobbin (1992: 148) argues that the violent conflict caused by public hostility between the Shattariyyah office in Ulakan, and Taram and Talawi was oriented towards the Naqshbandiyyah.

However, it appears that the prime cause of the conflict was related to a struggle for influence and respect (Dobbin 1992: 148). Several sources argue that Shaikh Jalaluddin, an influential Shaikh from Cangking who adhered to Naqshbandiyyah, attracted the attention of several followers of Shattariyyah in Ulakan and persuaded them to move to Naqshbandiyyah. This no doubt resulted in fighting between the teachers of Naqshbandiyyah and Shattariyyah (Bruinessen 1996: 125).

Of course, the differing views and teachings were also a trigger for the tension. In the data consulted it appears that the issues faced were not related to the mystic doctrines themselves, but were more related to shari‘ah (Islamic law).

The followers of Naqshbandiyyah apparently did not like the martabat tujuh (the ‘Seven Stages‘) teachings from the Tuhfah al-Mursalah written by al-Burhanpuri. This style of teaching was developed by Abdurrauf al-Sinkili, a caliph of Shattariyyah, and in his writings he explained and interpreted the wahdat al-wujud (unity of being) doctrine, which caused uproar in the Indonesian-Malay world.

It is important to note that in the context of West Sumatra the teaching of wahdat al-wujud was not continued and developed by the followers. In fact, they removed this lesson from all the Shattariyyah teachings, as they believed it was in conflict with the principles of shari‘ah (see Kitab Menerangkan, p. 70). Thus, in relation to the teaching of wahdat al-wujud, the style of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra, especially after second half of 19th century, became relatively different from the style of Shattariyyah that was developed, for example, by al-Sinkili in Aceh (Dobbin 1992: 144). Apart from a few other disparities, such as the recitation of dhikr and the emphasis on aspects of shari‘ah, there were not too many major differences between the two.

A regular topic of debate between Naqshbandiyyah and Shattariyyah was the decision about the start and finish of the fasting month of Ramadan. Schrieke reports that for several years there were violent conflicts around this subject between the two groups in Padang Panjang. It then became an issue in Pariaman, and there is still a difference of opinion between the followers of Shattariyyah in Ulakan and the followers of Naqshbandiyyah in Cangking about the start and finish of the fasting month. Usually, the adherents of Shattariyyah celebrate Ramadan two or three days after the followers of Naqshbandiyyah celebrate it. Thus, they are called “the people who fast later” (“orang puasa kemudian”), whilst the Naqshbandiyyah are called “the people who fast first” (“orang puasa dahulu”). [40] This is exactly what is described in the quotation above about Naqshbandiyyah, “..whose calculations were two days earlier than the calculations according to the calendar brought by Shaikh Burhanuddin...”

It is also noteworthy that a more serious conflict involving followers of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra occurred in 1804, when three Minangkabau “Haji” returned from Mecca after having studied there for several years. These three Haji were Haji Miskin from Pandai Sikat Padang Panjang, Haji Abdurrahman from Piyobang Payakumbuh, and Haji Sumanik from Batusangkar. Apparently the opinions of these three Haji were strongly influenced by thoughts about the renewal of Wahhabi in Mecca, as taught by Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab (1703-1792 A.D.), an ‘ulama‘ from Nejd in East Arabia. The religious views of Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab were similar to the religious views of a previous reformist ‘ulama‘, Taqi al-Din ibn Taimiyyah (1263-1328 A.D.), who argued that Islam should return to the Qur‘an and follow the Prophet. [41]

From early on the Wahhabi in Mecca urged the Islamic community to return to pure Islamic teachings, not mixed with superstition, heresy or myth. But this turned into a radical movement, with the duty of differentiating between the faithful and the unfaithful, and a proposal for jihad (holy war) against those who did not follow the call (Rahman 1997:286-294).

The Wahhabi started from the assumption that the majority of the Islamic community already performed and developed religious practices that deviated from the teachings of Islam, and which must be destroyed by whatever means necessary. Amongst the groups that became the “proselytising targets” of the Wahhabi were followers of Sufi orders, who were considered by the Wahhabi to already be excessive in the intensity of their relationship with God. They rejected steps to consecrate the graves of Sufi mystics who were considered to be pure. They also forbade the Islamic community to smoke tobacco or wear silk, and prohibited the use of certain practices during worship.

Wahhabi views such as this were brought to Minangkabau by the three Haji mentioned above. They believed that in the Minangkabau community, and especially amongst the followers of Shattariyyah, many of the religious practices which encompassed superstition, heresy and myth were in conflict with the basic principles of Islam and needed to be “straightened out”, or fought with violence if required.

However, the views of the three Haji met with strong opposition from the ‘ulama‘s of Shattariyyah, and the process did not go as smoothly as they had hoped. Haji Miskin, for example, had to move house from one village to another, as he always met hostility from the followers of Shattariyyah who had not yet accepted these reformist views. Haji Miskin eventually ended up in Bukit Kamang, and in 1811 he carried on the movement in Aie Tabik, in Luhak Lima Puluh Kota (Chatib & Erman 2002: 191).

The reformation movement is addressed in the writings of Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin, one of the members of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra who produced many manuscripts. Amongst the manuscripts mentioned are Risalat Mizan al-Qalb, Kitab Menerangkan… and Kitab al- Taqwim wa al-Siyam. In Risalat Mizal al-Qalb, Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin explains:

“The motivation for writing this series of books is to explain about the two views of worshipping God, namely the Kaum Tuo (Old Group) and Kaum Mudo (Young Group) and why we common people are wary of following them. Only because we have read many history books and hadiths can we grant the wishes of our brothers” (p. 3).

The Kitab Menerangkan… also explains that the reason for writing this document was that after the arrival of Naqshbandiyyah, and the subsequent emergence of Wahhabi as brought by the three Haji, the style of religious rituals of the people of Minangkabau became varied, and caused confusion amongst the masses:

“…there were people who recited usalli (the intention given at the beginning of prayer) and those who did not, there were also those who marked the beginning of the fasting month by observing the moon (ru‘yat al-hilal) and there were those who just looked at the calendar, there were those who observed the non-compulsory prayers during the fasting month and there were those who only observed the compulsory prayers…” (p. 3).

It is therefore not surprising that the analyses in Risalat Mizan al-Qalb, Kitab Menerangkan… and Kitab al-Taqwim wa al-Siyam try to explain in detail, and reveal the truth - from the perspective of a follower of Shattariyyah of course — about the issues that became the centre of debate and conflict, not only with the Naqshbandiyyah and the three Haji, but which were also an extension of the Wahhabi movement.

Kitab al-Taqwim wa al-Siyam explains that according to the teachings of the Prophet the beginning of the month was calculated according to the moon, and for Ramadan the Prophet gave separate advice about the method of ru‘yat al-hilal. In the context of West Sumatra, this is indicated by the opposing opinions of the followers of Naqshbandiyyah, who used the method of hisab taqwim (calculation of the appearance of the moon, rather than actual citing) to decide on the beginning of the month according to the moon, including the beginning of the fasting month of Ramadan. This is still a point of difference between the two groups today.

Risalat Mizan al-Qalb, Kitab Menerangkan… and Kitab al-Taqwim wa al-Siyam explain that for several decades the style of ritual and devotion that was developed by the Shattariyyah ‘ulama‘ was the one eventually accepted by the Minangkabau population. Risalat Mizan al-Qalb says:

“…during that period, from 1840 to 1908, the entire Archipelago (Indonesia) had just one style of performing its rituals. They prayed with the same intention (usalli), they held funerals and death rituals in exactly the same way, they saw in Rabiul Awwal month at the same, celebrated the Prophet Muhammad‘s birthday with a feast… if there was a death in someone‘s house teachers came with members of the community, they read the Qur‘an, and performed other activities. At fasting time they celebrated together, used ru‘yat (citing of the moon), and performed twenty raka‘at (prayer cycles) of the tarawih prayer (special prayer performed in the evening during the month of Ramadan), nobody performed eight raka‘at …”(p. 80).

This is supported by Imam Maulna Abdul Manaf Amin in Kitab Menerangkan…, when he finishes with the sentence “…at that time the state was safe and worshipped as one…” (p. 62).

However, the religious turbulence involving Shattariyyah flared up again in the early 20th century, in particular in around 1906 when four Minangkabau ‘ulama‘ returned from Mecca after several years of studying religion with Shaikh Ahmad Khatib al-Minangkabawi. These four ‘ulama‘s were Haji Muhammad Jamil Jambek Bukittinggi, Haji Muhammad Taib Umar Sungayang Batusangkar, Haji Abdullah Ahmad Padang Panjang, and Haji Abdul Karim Amrullah Maninjau.

These four reformist ‘ulama‘s shed new light on the Sufi order practices, especially those of Shattariyyah, that were followed by much of the Minangkabau population. They believed that the practices were in conflict with Islam. As explained in Risalat Mizan al-Qalb: “…the Sufi order had already become a discussion point with their teachers, that Sufi order was wrong…” (Risalat Mizan al-Qalb, p. 84). As a result, these four ‘ulama‘s were very proactive in inviting the followers of Shattariyyah to abandon their religious practices.

In 1907 Haji Muhammad Jamil Jambek held a meeting to which he invited respected ‘ulama‘s from Shattariyyah to come to his house and discuss any different views and practices. Amongst the Shattariyyah ‘ulama‘ present, all older men, were: Shaikh Khatib Muhammad Ali al- Padani, Shaikh Muhammad Dalil (Tuanku Shaikh Bayang), Tuanku Shaikh Khatib Sayyidina Shaikh Muhammad Taib Sibarang Padang, and Tuanku Imam Masjid Ganting Padang. The group of new ‘ulama‘, who were all young, included amongst others, Haji Abbas Daud Balingka, who was known as Inyiek Balingka, Haji Abdullah Ahmad Padang Panjang, and Haji Abdul Karim Amrullah Maninjau, who was known as Inyiek Rasul.

Apparently, during this meeting a heated discussion took place between the two groups of ‘ulama‘ about whether or not Shattariyyah practices were in accordance with Islam. Although they continued into the night, the two groups did not reach an agreement, and the different opinions and conflict between the ‘ulama‘ of Shattariyyah and the reformist ‘ulama‘ continued. This is mentioned in Risalat Mizan al-Qalb as the point where the terms Kaum Tuo and Kaum Mudo appeared:

“…this is the beginning of the term Kaum Tuo, because the ‘ulama‘ defending Sufi order practices were already old, all of them more than fifty years. The ‘ulama‘ who were renouncing it were all young, under thirty. They were given the name Kaum Mudo and from that point onwards they were known as Kaum Kuno and Kaum Mudo. This is the origin of these terms…”(p. 85-86).

From the explanation above it is clear that the three manuscripts, Risalat Mizan al-Qalb, Kitab Menerangkan… and Kitab al-Taqwim wa al-Siyam, were written to explain the religious upheaval that took place in the Minangkabau community. From the perspective of the author of these manuscripts, the turbulence was the result of two things: first, the difference of opinion between the followers of Shattariyyah and Naqshbandiyyah, and secondly, an “attack” from the Kaum Tuo on the religious rituals and practices of the Sufi order group.

Characteristics and Teaching Style of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra: Reinforcing Neo-Sufism

It appears that since its early emergence in India, its reformulation in Haramayn, and its development in other various parts of the Islamic world, including Indonesia and Malaysia, Shattariyyah has experienced a dynamic process of development and expansion. It has been strong in each period, in terms of both ritual and teaching doctrines. The dynamic process shows that Shattariyyah teachings ensured the reinforcement of neo-Sufism in the Malay-Indonesian world by continuously emphasizing reconciliation between tasawwuf and shari‘ah.

In West Sumatra, the area that has become the focus of this article, Shattariyyah has become an important pillar in the dissemination neo-Sufism, and then played a significant role in the formation of the structure of Islamic society. The ‘ulama‘ involved in developing Shattariyyah in this region, starting with Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan and followed by the caliphs and students, experienced intense struggles with various local elements and cultural characteristics. As a result there has been a shift towards characteristics and teaching styles which are quite unique and different from the those of Shattariyyah in other regions.

Following are the characteristics and teaching styles of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra, which show the reinforcement of neo- Sufism.

Removal of the Wahdat al-Wujud Doctrine

An interesting development amongst the followers of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra was the rejection of the wahdat al-wujud doctrine. This is noteworthy because previously the important figures in this Sufi order, both the ones in Haramayn, notably Ahmad al-Qushashi and Ibrahim al Kurani, and the ‘ulama‘ in Malaysia and Indonesia in the early period, such as Abdurrauf al-Sinkili, did not mention the struggle around the doctrine in their works, but instead indicated that there was a reinterpretation and explanation that was relatively easily received by the ‘ulama‘. [42]

It is important to briefly explain that the doctrine of wahdat al-wujud is a concept concerning the achievement of oneness with Allah, and Ibn ‘Arabi (1240 A.D.), a Sufi from Andalusia, is often mentioned as its founder. Academics agree that Ibn ‘Arabi never uses the terms wahdat alwujud or wujudiyyah, even in his two prominent works, Fusus al-Hikam and Futuhat al-Makkiyyah. However, several areas explored by Ibn ‘Arabi are explained with the intent of wahdat al-wujud.

In Fusus al-Hikam for example, Ibn ‘Arabi says: “All (wujud – being) is owned by Allah, and created by Him, thus all is Allah himself.” (Ibn ‘Arabi, Fusus, p. 73).

Or expressed differently: “A pure being creates all, and He is the essence of everything.” (Abnu ‘Arabi, Fusus, p. 25).

In Futuhat al-Makkiyyah Ibn ‘Arabi states: “There is nothing in wujud (being) except Allah, and there is none who knows Allah except Allah.” (Ibn ‘Arabi, Futuhat, IV, 1975: 224).

Examples such as these prompted a number of other Sufis to realise that Ibn ‘Arabi was the person most responsible for teaching the doctrines that became known as wahdat al-wujud or wujudiyyah. Other Sufis offered an explanation that these expressions did not necessarily mean that Ibn ‘Arabi unconditionally equated God with the world (tashbih), because in other sections of his work Ibn ‘Arabi also emphasises the transcendental nature of God (tanzih).

In Fusus al-Hikam, for example, Ibn ‘Arabi writes: “Whoever tashbih God and does not tanzih Him restrains and limits Him, and doesn‘t truly know Him.” (Ibn ‘Arabi Fusus, p. 69).

Several centuries later the wahdat al-wujud doctrine still triggers debate amongst the Sufi and is the cause of their conflict with the fiqh ‘ulama‘ (fuqaha‘), who tend to emphasise Islamic teachings that are exoteric (zahir) rather than those that are esoteric (batin).

There have been debates about the wahdat al-wujud doctrine in Aceh, particularly during the period of government of Sultan Iskandar Tsani (1637-1641 A.D.). This debate took place between Nuruddin al-Raniri and followers of the teachings of wujuddiyyah of Hamzah Fansuri and Syamsuddin al-Sumatrani. As an orthodox ‘ulama‘ who prioritised the implementation of shari‘ah, al-Raniri released a fatwa that wujudiyyah was heterodox and deviated from the Islamic faith, thus those who did not repent and forswear would be arrested as infidels and sentenced to death (Azra 1994: 182).

According to a number of sources, the debate about wahdat al-wujud in Aceh was triggered early on, in particular in relation to a work by Fadl Allah al-Hindi al-Burhanpuri, Tuhfat al-Mursalah. This situation is discussed by Ibrahim al-Kurani in Ithaf al-Dhaki:

‘We have been reliably informed by a group (jama‘a) of Jawiyyin that some books on haqiqa (divine realities) and esoteric knowledge (‘ulum al-asrar) have spread among the population of the lands of Jawa being passed from hand to hand by those endowed with knowledge based on their studies and the teaching of others, but who have neither understanding of the ‘ilm al-shari‘ah of the Prophet, the Chosen, the Elect of God, peace be upon him, nor the ‘ilm al-haqa‘iq conferred on those who follow the path of God the Exalted, those who are close to Him, those admirable ones, or those who have set their foot on any path of their paths based on the Qur‘an and the Sunnah through perfect obedience both outwardly (al-zahir) and inwardly (al-batin), as rendered by the devout and pure. This is the reason why many of them (the Jawiyyin) have deviated from the right path and why impure belief has arisen; in fact they have entered into the crooked camp of atheism (al-zandaqah) and heresy (al-ilhad)...We are protected by Allah from errors and from evil, both visible and invisible. These students from Jawi have said that amongst the most popular books dealing with these concepts is Tuhfat al-Mursalah Ila Ruh al-Nabi, composed by al-‘Arif bi Allah Shaikh Muhammad ibn Shaikh Fadl Allah al-Hindi al-Burhanpuri…” (Al-Kurani, Ithaf al Dhaki, p. 2).

As a result of this news al-Kurani offered a long explanation of how wahdat al-wujud —or as al-Kurani called it, tauhid al-wujud— could be understood. Primarily, according to al-Kurani, acknowledgement of unity with God (tauhid al-wujud) could only be achieved by Sufis who had already reached a certain spiritual level, and it may not be done in conflict with the Qur‘an or the Sunnah.

It is important to acknowledge that al-Kurani, as one of the ‘ulama‘ who strongly influenced the thoughts of Abdurrauf al-Sinkili, did not completely reject the teachings of wahdat al-wujud, apart from offering the interpretation above. As the caliph most responsible for the dissemination of Shattariyyah in Malay world, al-Sinkili continued what had been started by his teacher, al-Kurani, by writing some works, in Malay and Arabic, to explain the wahdat al-wujud doctrine.

In order to understand wahdat al-wujud “properly”, al-Sinkili argues in his two works, Tanbih al-Mashi and Shattariyyah, that the universe (‘alam) is not a being (wujud) separated from al-Haqq (God - “The Truth”), because it flows from His essence. In this explanation al-Sinkili aims to show the oneness of al-Haqq and ‘alam (tashbih). However, ‘alam is not unconditionally the essence (dhat) of al-Haqq but is just a reflection (al-zill) of Him, or a reflection of a reflection of Him. This is because God is the only One (Ahad), there are none who accompany Him (la sharika lah), though He always accompanies everything (al-Muhit). In arguing this, al-Sinkili aims to defend the concept of the transcendental nature of God over His creations (tanzih) (Tanbih al-Mashi, p. 7; Shattariyyah, p. 5).

According to al-Sinkili, if someone (ahadun) says that ‘alam is the essence of al-Haqq himself, then they are wrong (Tanbih al-Mashi, p. 8). In Aceh, although not mentioned explicitly by name, but by only as “ahadun”, this expression seems addressed towards Hamzah Fansuri or Syamsuddin al-Sumatrani, with the intention of criticising their views about wahdat al-wujud. According to al-Sinkili, although they held extremist views, Hamzah Fansuri or Syamsuddin al-Sumatrani were not judged as infidels. Al-Sinkili writes:

“…protect your tongue from gibah (gossip) and from considering others as infidels, because both are great sins in the eyes of Almighty God; do not condemn your fellow Muslim brothers, as this will cause you to be equated with the sinners on judgment day…” (Tanbih al-Mashi, p. 44).

Reinterpretations like the ones offered by al-Kurani in Ithaf al-Dhaki previously and by al-Sinkili in Tanbih al-Mashi and Shattariyyah appear not to have developed in the community of Shattariyyah followers in West Sumatra, at least in manuscripts found recently. They explicitly rejected an understanding of wahdat al-wujud without compromise (see also Bahri 1988: 36, 57). When describing the character of Islamic teaching as developed by Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan, for example, in Kitab al-Taqwim wa al-Siyam explains that:

“…the ‘ulama‘ who accuses the Shattariyyah of Shaikh Burhanuddin of following wahdat al-wujud knows little of the history of Shaikh Burhanuddin… this is a clarification so that we do not make the same mistake as these ‘ulama‘s with their uninformed history… (p. 74).

A more detailed explanation is given in Kitab Menerangkan…: “…the Islam that he developed indeed… concerned external aspects that brought about the inner aspects of God… his teachings were not about the wahdat al-wujud faith…” (p. 117).

The rejection of the wahdat al-wujud doctrine in the Shattariyyah manuscripts came about because this doctrine was considered to be in conflict with the principles of shari‘ah in Islam. The Kitab explains that those who follow the teachings of wahdat al-wujud believe that:

“…Allah is everything, there is not the universe, only Allah, which means that there is not self, only Allah. As a result they do not feel obliged to pray, they feel that Allah envelopes all of things, and that is eternal prayer (salat da‘im), always praying…” (p. 70).

It appears that the removal of wahdat al-wujud from Shattariyyah teachings in West Sumatra was the result of the teachings and doctrines of Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan which were far more “easy-going” than those during the periods of al-Qushashi and al-Sinkili. al-Qushashi in al- Simt al-Majid, and also al-Sinkili in Tanbih al-Mashi, for example, explain that the final objective of dhikr (recitation of the names of God) is fana (the extinction of the “soul” of the mystic into God), and even fana from fana itself (fana ‘an al-fana); while the Malay Shattariyyah manuscripts in West Sumatra “only” explain that reality and the final objective of dhikr is to clean the external body and purify the heart (tahdhib al-nafs).

As far as I know, the term fana itself never appeared in the manuscripts from West Sumatra mentioned above. The most extreme expression in relation to haqiqah and the aims of the recitation of dhikr appears in Kitab Menerangkan…: “deny one‘s own wujud (being) and validate the wujud of Allah,” a translation from the dhikr sentence la ilaha illa Allah (see also Amin 1993: 118-119).

In spite of what has been shown from the data in the manuscripts consulted, apparently not all ‘ulama‘ of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra rejected wahdat al-wujud during its development; several amongst them are documented. Buya Abdurrazak Mata Air Pakandangan, for example, is included in the caliphs of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra who accepted wahdat al-wujud. According to him, in order to understand the problem of wahdat al-wujud, one must first understand that wujud is divided into two: wujud haqiqi and wujud i‘tibari; wujud haqiqi (real Being) is God, whilst wujud i‘tibari (imaginary being) is the world or mankind.

There are four points that cannot be separated from the relationship between God and the world or humanity, and these are that they are: not ittisal (related), not infisal (separate), not hulul (restricted to the body), and not ittihad (united). With these “four nots”, the reality of God and the world or humankind cannot unconditionally become one, but neither can they be separated from each other. [43] According to Buya Abdurrazak Mata Air Pakandangan, the issue of wahdat al-wujud is a matter of dhauq (feelings), not a matter of thoughts, nor of law. As a result, not everyone can experience the feeling of wujud; those who say that they have felt it cannot be judged (Bahri 1988: 50-51).

Confirmation and Actualisation of the Ahl al-Sunnah wa al-Jama‘ah Doctrine

Another matter that is very prominent in the teachings of neo-Sufism developed by Shattariyyah ‘ulama‘s in West Sumatra, as they are reflected in the manuscripts, is the confirmation that the theological teachings delivered by Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan have the characteristic of ahl al-sunnah wa al-jama‘ah. This matter, among others, is found in Kitab Menerangkan…:

“…the Islam that he developed is an Islam that derives from the Shafi‘i school of thought and the conviction of ahl al-sunnah wa al-jama‘ah …” (p. 117).

Ahl al-sunnah wa al-jama‘ah generally means “a group that holds firmly on to Sunnah and jama‘ah”. In accordance with its name, those who follow the understanding of ahl al-sunnah wa al-jama‘ah use the Sunnah, or hadith of the Prophet, and ijma‘ [44] as a guide to religious life. As such, there are at least three religious reference sources guiding the lives of Muslims who adopt the understanding of ahl al-sunnah wa al-jama‘ah: the Qur‘an, hadith and ijma‘. Although ijma‘ “only” occupies third position, in reality ijma‘ often becomes the determining factor in justifying a particular religious matter, especially if no specific answer can be found in the Qur‘an or hadith. [45]

Regardless, after the death of the Prophet, an understanding of the Qur‘an and also hadith – which were written in a highly formal Arabic – could not be achieved by everyone, with the result that the Companions of the Prophet, who were later joined by tabi‘in (followers of the Companions of the Prophet), and tabi‘ al-tabi‘in (followers of the tabi‘in), together with the ‘ulama‘s who joined them, were considered to be a kind of translator who could more accurately understand the intention of the Qur‘an and hadith, with the consequence that the results, it was considered, could be better relied upon (Dhofier 1994: 151). As such, for those who followed ahl al-sunnah wa al-jama‘ah, ijma‘ - who hoped for a majority agreement among the ummah or jama‘ah in making legal decisions - became a type of ‘keyword‘ that differentiated this group from others.

In the literature of Islam, the ahl al-sunnah wa al-jama‘ah doctrine is a type of theological understanding the principles of which are often connected with the theological teachings of Abu Hasan al-Ash‘ari (260-326 H/873-935 A.D.), an ‘ulama‘ of Basrah, considered originator of the theology of Ash‘ariyyah. Before that, Abu Hasan al-Ash‘ari was an adherent of Mu‘tazilah, a type of theological understanding that placed great emphasis on the strength of the mind, that later became a critical target of al-Ash‘ari himself (Watt 1999). Among his theological teachings, Abu Hasan al-Ash‘ari considered that God could not possibly understand with His being. God must know with His attributes. Additionally, Abu Hasan al-Ash‘ari also opined that the Qur‘an was not something created and therefore new (muhdath), but rather was eternal (qadim), because God has decreed since the dawn of time. Abu Hasan al-Ash‘ari considered that humans did not create themselves because there is no creator other than God (Nasution 1985: 40).

In the context of Indonesia, the theology of ahl al-sunnah wa aljama‘ ah is often connected with the religious understanding of orthodox Islamic groups, like those which assemble under the NU (Nahdhatul Ulama), the largest socio-religious organisation along with Muhamadiyah. In fact, a number of NU figures have created a kind of definition that could be called ahl al-sunnah wa al-jama‘ah. This understanding, apart from being guided by the Qur‘an, hadith and ijma‘, also holds firmly to three traditions, namely: following the theology of Al-Ash‘ari and al-Maturidi on theological issues (tauhid), following one of the four schools of law on jurisprudence (fiqh), namely the Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi‘i or Hambali schools, and following the teachings of al-Junaid al-Bagdadi in practicing Sufism. [46]

It is religious features such as this that are put forth by followers of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra as a characteristic of the teachings of Islam that they received from Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan. Furthermore, and more specifically, the religious characteristics and tendencies of the followers of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra are further increased by the obligation to use hisab taqwim (calculation) when determining the beginning of the month, and ru‘yat al-hilal (observing the moon) when determining the beginning of the month of Ramadan and Idul Fitri. This can be found in Kitab al-Taqwim wa al-Siyam:

“…those of the Shafi‘i school of thought, having the conviction of ahl alsunnah wa al-jama‘ah and following the mystical path of Shattari, count the months using hisab taqwim, and enter the fasting month with ru‘yat al-hilal …” (p. 72).

The tendency to follow the Shafi‘i school of thought as found in the quotation above should be emphasised because it is indeed practiced by followers of Shattariyyah. The following quotation from one of the figures of the Shattariyyah order in Padang Pariaman, A Razak Tuanku Mudo, quoted in the research of Nazar Bakry (2000: 42), creates a picture of the rigidity of the followers of Shattariyyah toward Shafi‘i up until now:

“…to speak about the implementation of proselytising in Shattariyyah, the Shattariyyah ‘ulama‘ must have followed the ideology of the Shafi‘ischool of thought…”

It is important also to note that amongst the characteristics and tendencies of the Shafi‘i school of thought — acknowledged as the one and only school of belief of the followers of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra (Bakry 2000: 49) — is a response that is relatively flexible in its attitude towards the various religious dynamics of the community, together with local traditions and cultures. In arranging legal considerations, Imam Shafi‘i developed legal maxims (qawa‘id al-fiqh) that could determine the final form of a legal decision if there was a change in the conditions and facts underlying an issue that had previously been decided. The aforementioned principles were systemised by Imam Shafi‘i himself more than twelve centuries ago through a branch of knowledge that was then known as usul al-fiqh. Based on the “merit” of principles in usul al-fiqh, the religious rituals of the followers of the Shafi‘i school, including followers of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra, became richer and more dynamic while adhering to the established limits (Wahid 1989: 198).

It is not surprising then that in Risalat Mizan al-Qalb the religious characteristics of the followers of Shattariyyah are “defined” through various rituals and religious understandings:

Pronouncing usalli in the intention of ritual prayer;

Compulsory reading of basmalah in the Surah of al-Fatihah;

Reading the qunut and lifting the hands during the Subh prayer;

Determining the beginning of the month Ramadan and Idul Fitr through ru‘yat al-hilal;

Undertaking tarawih prayer 20 raka‘at (cycles) and witr 3 raka‘at during the month of Ramadan;

Whispering of instructions in the ear of the dead or dying (talqin almayyit);

Suggesting the presentation of the rewards received from readings to people who have just died;

Visiting the resting place of the Prophet and other pious people is optional but meritorious;

Celebrating the birth of the Prophet Muhammad during Rabi al-Awwal (third month of the Islamic calendar) through, amongst other things, reading Barjanzi;

Standing during the reading of Barjanzi (ashraqal);

Adding the words “wa bi hamdih” after reading subhana rabi al-‘azim when bowing from the waist during prayer (ruku‘) and subhana rabi al-a‘la when bowing from a kneeling position during prayer (sujud);

Voluntary (but meritorious) addition of the words “sayyidina” before mentioning the name of Muhammad;

Commemorating someone‘s death (tahlil) on the third, seventh and one hundredth day;

God has attributes, and carefully studying the 20 attributes of God is compulsory;

Compulsory replacement (qada‘) of those prayers (salat) that were left unperformed whether intentionally or unintentionally;

Recommended careful study of tasawwuf;

Compulsory reading of dhikr la ilaha illa Allah in unison after compulsory prayer;

Tawassul [47] when praying is not included among polytheistic acts;

Touching the Qur‘an before ritual ablution (berwudu) is forbidden;

It is compulsory to wash all things touched by a dog by splashing with water seven times and once with earth;

Touching of the skin of men and women who are not mahram nullifies ritual ablution;

People who are ritually impure (junub) may not perform night ritual prayers (salah) before washing;

Reciting the call to prayer (adhan) for the Friday prayer at the mosque is voluntary but meritorious;

Performing the sunnat prayer before the Friday prayer is voluntary but meritorious;

Divorcing one‘s wife when she is menstruating is permissible;

Writing a verse of the Qur‘an using Latin figures is forbidden;

Heaven and hell are both eternal;

The Qur‘an has the attribute of qadim (eternal);

The universe (‘alam) is created (muhdath);

The third divorce (talaq) at once means the implementation of the third divorce.

A number of the beliefs and rituals of the followers of Shattariyyah above take the form of theological beliefs developed by Abu Hasan al-Ash‘ari, namely: God has attributes, and it is compulsory to carefully study these 20 attributes that were formulated by al-Ash‘ari, the Qur‘an is not created (qadim), heaven and hell are eternal, whilst the earth is created (muhdath).

It is important to point out that several rituals of the Shattariyyah in West Sumatra that are outlined above, such as pronunciation of usalli in ritual prayer, undertaking tarawih prayer 20 raka‘at and witr 3 raka‘at during the month of Ramadan, celebrating the birth of the Prophet Muhammad during Rabi‘ al-Awwal through, amongst other things, reading Barjanzi, commemorating someone‘s death (tahlil) on the third, seventh and one hundredth day, and a number of others, have been challenged by another Muslim group in West Sumatra, identified as Kaum Mudo (modernists), because they are not considered to possess a strong basis in hadith, let alone in the Qur‘an. Historically, rituals of this kind according to this Kaum Mudo — are “only” justified by decrees from the ‘ulama‘ in the period after the Prophet‘s death by way of the institution of ijma‘.

However, because the followers of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra, who are identified as the Kaum Tuo (traditionalists), declare themselves as followers of ahl al-sunnah wa al-jama‘ah, rituals of this type are not a problem. In fact they have already become united in recognising their social religious identity, because the beliefs of ahl al-sunnah wa al-jama‘ah consider ijma‘ to be one of the authoritative sources in making legal judgements.

In a number of other sources, the religious identity of the followers of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra is equated with what they call the “twenty one instructions”, or a number of teachings and rituals that are considered binding and which may not be changed. Material concerning the “twenty one instructions” – which is actually included in the basic considerations and household arrangements of the Shattariyyah community (jama‘ah) in West Sumatra —is always included by teachers of Shattariyyah in various recitations of the Qur‘an. [48] The twenty-one instructions are as follows:

Fasting must take place according to the ru‘yat al-hilal;

Tarawih prayer 20 raka‘at and witr 3 raka‘at;

Read usalli in the intention of the prayer;

Read Basmalah to the Surah of al-Fatihah and in the beginning of other Surahs of the Qur‘an;

Reading qunut in the Subh prayer;

Determine the beginning of the months by hisab taqwim, except for the months of Ramadan and Idul Fitr, which are determined by ru‘yat al-hilal;

Hold to the Imam Shafi‘i school of thought;

Be faithful to the beliefs of ahl al-sunnah wa al-jama‘ah;

Add the words “wa bi hamdih” after reading subhana rabi al-‘azim when bowing from the waist during prayer (ruku‘) and subhana rabi al-a‘la when bowing from a kneeling position during prayer (sujud);

Chant the ‘remembrance of God‘ (dhikr);

Friday sermon (khutbah) should only be in Arabic;

Perform religious rituals/readings (tahlil) at every death;

Whisper instructions in the ear of the dead or dying (talqin almayyit);

Visit the resting place of the Prophet and other pious people;

Follow the Shattariyyah Sufi order;

Swear an oath (bai‘ah) to the murshid of Shattariyyah;

Undertake tawassul toward the teacher during praying;

Go to Ulakan (basapa) during the second month of the Arabic calendar (Safar);

Commemorate the birth of the Prophet by reading Sharf al-Anam;

Stand when reading ashraqal in Barjanzi; [49]

Wear a rimless cap (kopiah) at time of praying.

From the points above, it is clear that the formulation of the religious identity of the followers of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra had very specific local nuances, although several rituals among them are also found in the religious traditions of other Muslim communities, such as in the traditions of the NU community in Java.

Pengajian Tubuh (Personal Recitations)

The substance of “Pengajian Tubuh” (personal recitations) in West Sumatra does not represent a new discourse in the context of mysticism itself, because what is being explored is the ontological connection between God and the world, or more specifically in this instance, humanity. Themes such as this have always been topics of conversation for Sufis, including Sufi figures in Shattariyyah. In Tanbih al-Mashi and also Shattariyyah, Abdurrauf al-Sinkili before explaining wahdat al-wujud, discusses the aforementioned ontological connection between God and the universe, between al-Haqq (the Creator, God) and al-khalq (His creations), between the One and Only and the many, between al-wujud and almaujudat, between wajib al-wujud and al-mumkinat.

Pengajian Tubuh can be considered to be a characteristic that is specific to Shattariyyah in West Sumatra. It became a basic lesson in all the Shattariyyah teachings of Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan. This is made clear from information found in the manuscripts which adds weight to considerations about the essence of creation and the desires of humanity, together with the relationship between the essence of God (Dhat) and the wishes of God. This is in addition to instructions about the methods of recitation that we have already discussed. In addition, Pengajian Tubuh is also one of the basic materials that is always taught by teachers of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra in their own special recitations, aside from the other mystical materials.

For the followers of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra, Pengajian Tubuh is needed as a base and exercise (riyad al-nafs) before arriving at what they refer to as “kurrah”, which is a particular endeavor with the purpose of returning the unrefined/external body (a‘yan kharijiyyah) to the refined/spiritual self (a‘yan thabitah). [50] Pengajian Tubuh is also a medium for followers of Shattariyyah to know themselves (their bodies), so that he or she will be capable of repelling all satanic temptations and desires (Yafas 1990:7).

Material on Pengajian Tubuh teaches that the humanity consist of two parts: an unrefined part (zahir) and a refined part (batin). In its essence, the external body does not have capability or desire, because it is the internal body that moves it (Deram 1992: 1-3). The external body, which in the concept of tasawwuf is called a‘yan kharijiyyah, consists of four elements, namely fire, wind, water and earth.

An example of an expression of Pengajian Tubuh from the followers of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra is similar to one found in the manuscript Pengajian Tarekat (pp. 1-3):

Hidup tubuh nan kasar di hidup tubuh nan batin Tahu tubuh nan kasar di tahu tubuh nan batin Kuasa tubuh nan kasar di kuasa tubuh nan batin Barkahandak tubuh nan kasar di barkahandak tubuh nan batin Mandangar tubuh nan kasar di mandangar tubuh nan batin Malihat tubuh nan kasar di malihat tubuh nan batin Barkata tubuh nan kasar di barkata tubuh nan batin

“The life of the unrefined self is lived by the spiritual self The knowledge of the unrefined self is known by the spiritual self The power of the unrefined self is empowered by the spiritual self The desires of the unrefined self are desired by the spiritual self The hearing of the unrefined self is heard by the spiritual self The seeing of the unrefined self is seen by the spiritual self The words of the unrefined self are spoken by the spiritual self”

It is explained also in another part of the Pengajian Tarekat (p. 6):

“…a‘yan kharijiyyah tubuh nan kasar samangat yang tahu di sakit, padih, haus, dan lapar; a‘yan thabitah tubuh yang halus, si ujud ‘am nan sabanar-banar diri; ujud mahad Tuhan yang barnama Allah…

“…a‘yan kharijiyyah, the unrefined self, experiences sickness, pain, thirst and hunger; a‘yan thabitah the refined self, ‘am is the real being; mahad is the real God whose name is Allah …”.

Conclusion

The development of the Shattariyyah order in West Sumatra until the 20th century displayed one important characteristic, involving the creation of a mystical philosophy that is “more tractable” than previous formulations. This indicates that Neo-Sufist teachings strengthened throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, in the Malay-Indonesian world generally, and particularly in West Sumatra.

The reinforcement of neo-Sufism in West Sumatra was indicated by the fact that whilst al-Sinkili taught —through his various compositions the doctrine of wahdat al-wujud in Aceh in the 17th century, in West Sumatra, wahdat al-wujud was not just weakened, but was in fact removed from all Shattariyyah teachings, because it was considered to be inconsistent with the teachings of ahl al-sunnah wa al-jama‘ah, and a deviation from shari‘ah practices. According to the manuscripts consulted, the removal of wahdat al-wujud from the teachings of Shattariyyah was one of the local attributes and characteristics of the order in West Sumatra. This finding is quite different from earlier views put forth by B. J. O. Schrieke, Karel A. Steenbrink, Martin van Bruinessen, and several other scholars, that the Shattariyyah order in West Sumatra, particularly early on, was the order most active in developing the teachings of wahdat al wujud, and was in conflict with Naqsybandiyyah, referred to as the developer of the doctrine of wahdat al-shuhud.

From its first appearance in the 17th century up until now, Shattariyyah has spread to various corners of West Sumatra, starting in Padang Pariaman and Tanah Datar, followed by Agam, Solok, Sawah Lunto Sijunjung, Pasaman, and Pesisir Selatan. As such, the Neo-Sufist doctrines developed by Shattariyyah ‘ulama‘s spread widely, starting from the coastal areas and reaching to the darek or luhak, namely: Luhak Tanah Datar, Luhak Agam, and Luhak Lima Puluh Kota. The development of distribution channels for Shattariyyah was generally accompanied by the spread of the neo-Sufist manuscripts that were a crucial guide for its members, resulting in an increase in the number of Shattariyyah manuscripts.

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[1] This article is part of my dissertasion at the University of Indonesia. Thanks to Lucy Rhydwen-Marett for translating it from the original Bahasa Indonesia into English.

[2] See Johns 1961b: 10-23; Azra 1994: 32-33.

[3] Hasjmi 1980: 375; van Langen 1986: 42-44.

[4] In this context “silsilah” doesn‘t refer to family relationships, but is instead about the scholarly relationship between students and teachers.

[5] An important figure in tasawwuf ‘amali, founder of Suhrawardiyyah order. One of his works is titled ‘Awarif al-Ma‘arif. Aside from explaining various teaching of Suhrawardiyyah, this work also describes the practical spiritual exercises, stages (maqamat), personal behaviour (ahwal), makrifat (knowledge) etc. The ‘Awarif al-Ma‘arif played a very important role in the dissemination of Suhrawardiyyah in the Islamic World (Taftazani 1985: 238; Nasution et al. 1992: 868-869; for an Indonesian version of this work, see Ismail 1998).

[6] Nizami, Hind 1999; Trimingham 1998: 98.

[7] Khanqah comes from Persian, and means a building that is used by Sufis for various uses, such as teaching and learning, dhikr, and so on (Chabbi, khankah, 1999).

[8] See, among others, Tanbih al-Mashi, pp. 65-69.

[9] Among the texts that provide valuable information relating to the doctrine and teaching of Shattariyyah contained in Jawahir al-Khamsah is Tanbih al-Mashi, a composition by Abdurrauf al Sinkili. In this Arabic text, al-Sinkili explicitly mentions and refers to the Kitab Jawahir al-Khamsah at least four times. In addition to proposing the teaching formula of Shattariyyah, which he did not find in the works composed by his two principal teachers, al-Qushashi and al-Kurani, al-Sinkili usually quoted Jawahir al-Khamsah to supplement his explanations, which originated with these two teachers. One of the Shattariyyah teachings that was copied by al-Sinkili from Jawahir al-Khamsah, and which was not in the works of al-Qushashi and al-Kurani, was concerned with what was called al-ashgal al-shattari (charity by the Shatari group); various special deeds that had to be performed by followers of Shattariyyah. In Tanbih al-Mashi, these deeds are presented in secret codes of formulas that can only be understood by way of teachers (murshid‘s) explanation (Tanbih al-Mashi, p. 26-27).

[10] Dhikir – “Repetition of the names of Allah and certain religious formulae as a means of demonstrating piety” (Federspiel, 1995: 295).

[11] For a complete list of al-Qushashi‘s students see Azra 1994: 91.

[12] See Rinkes 1909: 25; Hurgronje, II 1997: 14, Voorhoeve 1952: 87.

[13] For a complete discussion of the network of al-Sinkili‘s teachers and the areas where he studied, see Azra 1994: 189-198; in relation to the writings often linked to al-Sinkili, see Voorhoeve 1957, see also Fathurahman 1999.

[14] Christomy 2001 and 2003.

[15] Amin 1993: 18, Abdullah 1980: 54.

[16] See Abdullah 1985: 16, 46-49; Azra 1994: 210.

[17] This gravestone can be found at Kompleks Makam Maharaja Lela in the village of Lam garut, Ingin Jaya, Aceh Besar. In the graveyard complex, which is categorised as a graveyard for nobility and officials from the Aceh Darussalam kingdom, contains

[18] van Langen 1888: 420; Azra 1994: 177.

[19] Christomy 2003, especially chapter 3.

[20] See also Snouck Hurgronje 1997: 14

[21] Hamka 1974: 148; Abdullah 1980: 54; Abdullah 1999: 37; Suryadi 2001: 74.

[22] See, amongst others, Ronkel 1914: 287; Amin 1993: 36 and 1996: 160.

[23] Azra 1988: 25-26; Mulyani 1997: 179; Bahri 1988: 35.

[24] Schrieke 1973: Daya 1990: 180.

[25] Schrieke 1973: 25-26; Hamka 1982: 4; Steenbrink 1984: 177-178.

[26] Hikayat Jalal al-Din, p. 6-7 in Hollander 1857.

[27] In relation to this, see Gilsenan 1973: 10.

[28] For complete conditions see Amin 1993: 127-128; Syarifuddin 1989: 81.

[29] For a complete discussion on surau and their role in the process of Islamisation in Minangkabau, see Azra 1988 and 2003; Mulyani 1997; for discussions on surau in relation to economic activities in Minangkabau, see Dobbin 1992: 144.

[30] The sequence of the names of the caliphs and of the students in this section does not indicate a hierarchy in the caliphate. In the following section I am going to present the student-teacher relationships in Shattariyyah in West Sumatra, based on names in the version of the three ‘ulama‘s mentioned, combined with information from various manuscripts and other local sources.

[31] In Viviani 1990/1991: 39-40, the student-teacher relationship between Shaikh Janggut Hitam with Shaikh Abdurrahman Lubuk Ipuh is reversed. Indeed, it is quite difficult to confirm which one is correct, as there is no data about the lives of these two ‘ulama‘s. However, most sources especially those in the form of manuscripts — consulted during this research are more inclined to assert the first relationship, with Shaikh Janggut Hitam as the teacher of Shaikh Abdurrahman Lubuk Ipuh (see also Amiruddin 1994: 61). Although he does not mention his source, Viviani apparently bases his composition on an interview with one of the followers of Shattariyyah, which is possibly more valid, but also possibly mistaken due to errors.

[32] The inter-‘ulama‘ conflict in Shattariyyah — and perhaps also between other Islamic leaders in West Sumatra caused by different choices in political parties is reported as frequently taking place. Aside from Angku Talawi, Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin also tells that he had a conflict of opinion with Angku Inyik Adam, a caliph of Shattariyyah from Shaikh Paseban, who was in fact a friend of Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin when they studied with Shaikh Paseban. At that time, Angku Inyik Adam invited him to join the Golkar party so that they could receive help from the government in order to renovate the grave of Shaikh Surau Baru in Batusingka. However, this invitation was refused by Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin (Amin 2002: 63).

[33] Apart from studying under Shaikh Ampalu Tinggi, Tuanku Kalumbuk had previously studied Islamic knowledge at several other surau, such as: Surau Simaung in Sijunjung, Surau Calu in Muara Sijunjung, Surau Talawi, and Surau Tanjung Bungo in Padang Ganting. In 1929, Tuanku Kalumbuk returned to his hometown in Taluk, Lintau Buo, Tanah Datar, and founded a pesantren, which then became known as Pesantren Tuanku Kalumbuk, before finally changing its name to Pesantren Sumur Darek (Yafas 1988: 37). After the death of Tuanku Kalumbuk, Pesantren Surau Sumur Darek was continued by Buya Azra‘i (born circa 1935), a caliph of Shattariyyah and also the nephew of Tuanku Kalumbuk. He was helped by several other students of Tuanku Kalumbuk, such as Buya Engku Mudo Sa‘id (born circa 1918), Hamzah (born circa 1936), the son of Tuanku Kalumbuk himself (Yafas 1988: 35-39).

[34] The names Shaikh Sultan al-Kisai ibn Habibullah Ulakan and Shaikh Habibullah Ulakan are often mentioned in the prayer readings of the followers of Shattariyyah in West Sumatra, alongside the names of other caliphs such as Shaikh Abdurrahman, Shaikh Khairuddin, Syaik Jalaluddin Ulakan, Shaikh Idris, Shaikh Abdul Muhsin, Shaikh Abdul Hasan Ulakan, Shaikh Khalidin, Shaikh Masyruddin, and of course Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan himself (see manuscript Doa 2). I have not provided information about the student-teacher relationships of several of the caliphs of Shattariyyah mentioned, such as Shaikh Khairuddin, Shaikh Jalaluddin Ulakan, Shaikh Idris, Shaikh Abdul Hasan Ulakan, Shaikh Khalidin, and Shaikh Mashruddin.

[35] In the notes of Imam Maulana Abdul Manaf Amin, he mentions the appointment of three caliphs of Shaikh Paseban in 1356 H/ 1937 A.D., not long before the departure of Shaikh Paseban to the Holy Land of Mecca to complete the pilgrimage, where he eventually died (see Amin 2001: 56-57).

[36] The information that there was a female Sufi order teacher — though unfortunately unaccompanied by a detailed explanation — is very interesting because Sufi order teachers were generally male.

[37] See also Deram 1997: 219.

[38] For a more detailed description of the conflict with the Dutch colonial government that took place in Pauh, see Amin, Sejarah Ringkas, pp. 37-48.

[39] See also Arief et al., 1983: 23-32; Firdaus et al., 1999/2000.

[40] Schrieke 1973: 26; see also Suryadi 2001: 96.

[41] For more on the ideas of Ibn Taimiyyah see, amongst others, Rahman 1997: 154-164.

[42] Azra 1994; Fathurahman 1999.

[43] Compared with the concepts of al-faid (emanation) and al-zill (shadow) put forth by al-Sinkili when presenting discussions about the ontological relationship between God and ‘alam. According to al-Sinkili, although ‘alam is not the absolute essence of God, ‘alam is not unconditionally different from Him, because ‘alam is not a second eing that can be separated from Him, except for emissions (al-faid) from the essence of God itself. However, the inseparability of God and ‘alam doesn‘t mean that God and ‘alam are the same, because ‘alam is only a shadow (al-zill) of God, or a shadow of the shadow of God (Fathurahman 1999: 50).

[44] Ijma‘ is an agreement reached between a number ‘ulama‘ (jama‘ah) who have a broad capability and knowledge, and are trusted to make decisions in relation to religious laws (see, amongst others, Bernand, “idjma”, 1999).

[45] For a more detailed discussion of this matter see, amongst others, Saleh 2001: 49-52.

[46] Bisyri 1967: 19; Wahid 1989: 198, see also Dhofier 1994: 149.

[47] Tawassul – “Practice by which members of a mystic brotherhood remember their teachers before beginning the recitation of God‘s name(s)” (Federspiel, 1995: 268).

[48] Syarifuddin 1989: 73, Yafas 1988: 52.

[49] Barjanzi is usually read on the commemoration of the Prophet‘s birthday.

[50] See Nasrul 1987/1988: 2; Yafas 1990: 45; Bakry 2000: 38 and 71.

__________

Shattariyyah

Individual Researches

"On the Track of Neo-Sufism in the Malay Indonesian World: A Philological and Historical Analysis of Ithaf al-Dhaki by Ibrahim al-Kurani", current research, sponsored by the Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung, Germany, 2006.

"Shattariyyah Order in West Sumatra: Study on the Dynamics and Development through Local Manuscripts in West Sumatra", Dissertation at the University of Indonesia, 2003, (in Bahasa).

"Tanbih al-Masyi al-Mansub ila Tariq al-Qusyasyi: al-Sinkili`s Response on Controversy of the Wujudiyyah Doctrine in Aceh in the 17th Century (annotated texts and content analysis), thesis for M.A. Program at the University of Indonesia, 1998, (in Bahasa).

"Daur al-Tasrif fi Fahmi Ma`ani al-Kalimat al-`Arabiyyah (The Role of `Tasrif` in Arabic Sentences)", thesis for B.A. Program, at the Faculty of Arts, IAIN Jakarta, 1994.

Collective Researches

“Catalogisation of Ali Hasjmy`s Collection in Aceh ”, PPIM UIN Jakarta, in collaboration with Manassa and Tokyo University of Foreign Studies (Coordinator), 2006.

“The Development of Islamic Education Institution in Indonesia”, PPIM UIN Jakarta, in collaboration with Boston University (as researcher), 2005-2006.

“Mainstreaming Pesantren and Madrasah”, PPIM UIN Jakarta, in collaboration with Danish Embassy, 2004-2006 (as Researcher and Program Secretary).

“Indonesian Barometer for Consolidation of Democracy”, PPIM UIN Jakarta, in collaboration with AusAid, 2004 (as Researcher and Coordinator of Province).

“Indonesian Barometer for Consolidation of Democracy”, PPIM UIN Jakarta, in collaboration with The Ford Foundation, Oktober-Nopember 2002 (as Researcher and Coordinator of Province).

“The Culture of Good Governance in the Indonesian Muslim Society”, PPIM UIN Jakarta, in collaboration with The Ford Foundation, 2001-2002 (as Researcher and Coordinator of Province).

“Preserving Islamic Archipelago`s Manuscripts Programme”, PPIM UIN Jakarta, in collaboration with the Ministry of Religious Affairs, 2001 (as Consultant).

“The Discourse of Gender in the Works of Indonesian Muslim Scholars”, PPIM UIN Jakarta, in collaboration with The Ford Foundation, 2000-2001 (as Researcher).

Source: naskahkuno.blogspot.com