By Himanshu
Soon after Abhisit Vejjajiva assumed power as prime minister of Thailand in January, he took the unusual step of holding a cabinet meeting in Pattani, at the heart of the restive and much neglected southern region of the country.
His landmark trip was followed by a meeting with the governors of five southern provinces as well as officials of the Southern Border Provinces Administration Centre (SBPAC), the key agency overseeing civic projects in the region.
The Thai administration is now preparing to dish out many more peace offerings to an area wrecked by militant rebellion. Abhisit`s highly publicised trip this week to meet the Malaysian government has been seen as a precursor of significant projects for the area, which is extraordinary for its ethnic composition.
But most critically, an important reason for involving the Malaysian government in this whole affair is the crisis of identity in the region.
Some 70% of the population of the three provinces of Narathiwat, Pattani and Yala are Malay-Muslims. And more than 3,500 people have been killed here since January 2004 in an apparently separatist-orientated movement against the predominantly Siamese-Buddhist government.
Ironically, the region is steeped in tremendous civilised history. It was here that the great Indianised empire of Langkasuka reigned from 100 AD to the 1400s; its port used for trading between Indian and Chinese merchants through inland routes in the Isthmus of Kra.
In 1500 AD, however, the King of Pattani, Raja Phyatu Indhra converted to Islam, his name changed to Sultan Ismail Syah Zullullah Fil Alam. It marked a historic severance of identity from its neighbouring kingdoms up north, which maintained their Buddhist-Hindu influences.
According to Pranai Suwanrath, the director-general of the SBPAC, the blame for the current crisis should be partially shouldered by the Thai government eight years ago when it restructured its provincial and district level offices, which were crucial in working closely with communities like mosques and religious schools.
“It seemed that we had placed some distance between ourselves and the people after the restructuring. The district officers did not go down to the ground to visit the people anymore,” Pranai says.
Some critical offices for the provinces were even shut down under former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, and their responsibilities handed over to the military and conventional administrators.
Even the office of the SBPAC, which was meant to oversee civic projects like education, economics, health and culture, was closed down.
Things took a turn for the worse when some militants were cornered in an infamous bloody siege at the 16th century Krue Seh mosque in 2004. The incident was followed by local demonstrators in Tak Bai being arrested by the military, resulting in an altercation that led to some 85 deaths.
Bangkok has despatched more than 20,000 soldiers to end the turmoil. And inevitably, industrial investments and tourism have suffered during this time, and in spite of recent efforts, the short-term prospects appear shaky. It was only in January this year that the office of the SBPAC was revived.
Thailand claims that many militants have been hiding in Malaysia after carrying out attacks in south Thailand. It also says that there are between 50,000 and 100,000 people holding dual citizenships between the two countries.
One area where this identity discord is highly pronounced is education — about 70% of students in the three southern states are registered in private religious schools. This is because public schools across Thailand come under a standard education regime, which is largely snubbed by the Malay-Muslim populace.
For some 50 years, the word “Thai” was associated with Thai-Buddhists. Now the government is trying to redefine the word to include Malay-Muslims.
And the thrust to win over support from the largely Malay-Muslim populace, reportedly disenfranchised under previous Thai governments, is one of the Abhisit administration`s top priorities.
Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya is confident that once the government gains enhanced trust from the southern people, the militancy would decline.
The government has been in discussions with the army and police on how to “humanise” security arrangements in the area where army checkpoints are placed at various places. And quick implementation of infrastructure and financial programmes are already being planned.
“If we are successful in some of them, that in itself would make the people turn towards us,” Kasit says. “The militants need the people`s support. Once we have the people on the government`s side, chances of them (militants) operating will decline.”
Economic stimulus may be effective, but it is blood that will always run deep. The question of its ethnic identity within the Thai framework will remain the most poignant challenge to be faced by the southern region in the many years to come.
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Himanshu is theSun`s bureau chief in Penang.
Source: http://www.thesundaily.com (15 June 2009)
